Omid Nazifi 🇮🇷🇦🇹

سلطان یا پاشاه ؟ تفاوت این دو واژه، یک بازی زبانی نیست و واقعا نشان‌دهنده دو دکترینِ حکمرانی کاملاً متفاوت در تاریخ ایران است. #رشته_توییت /۱ تفاوت سلطان با پادشاه در تاریخ ایران چیست؟ #جاویدشاه

همین کودکان میناب اگه کوله پشتی میخواستن براشون تهیه نمی‌کردید. الان اموجی کوله پشتی میذارید چون فقط می‌خواید از خونشون کاسبی کنید.

Operation was called off : The 1953 Coup Was Mossadegh’s Coup Against the Shah — Not the Other Way Around The coup was against the Shah by Prince Mossadegh of the Qajar dynasty. No such simplified narrative reflects the constitutional and geopolitical reality of Iran in 1953. Iran was not a consolidated liberal democracy. It was a largely feudal society with low literacy, limited infrastructure, no broad middle class, and fragile institutions. Only six years earlier, parts of the country had been occupied by Allied forces during World War II — including Soviet troops in the north who established a communist republic in Iranian Azerbaijan and did not withdraw until 1946 after significant international pressure. The Cold War context was immediate, not theoretical. Mohammad Mossadegh was not a grassroots revolutionary democrat. He was a Qajar prince — a member of the old aristocratic dynastic elite and a large feudal landowner shaped by the political culture of late-Qajar Iran. His legitimacy derived from lineage and parliamentary maneuvering, not popular election by universal suffrage. Iran at the time did not operate under a presidential or direct-democratic model; it functioned within a constitutional monarchy established in 1906, where the Shah appointed prime ministers (Article 45). He was appointed twice by the Shah because of his lineage and the old power structure. His government operated in a highly volatile environment. The communist Tudeh Party mobilized in the streets during his premiership, and Islamist militants such as Fada’iyan-e Islam were active forces in the political arena. Whether one calls it tactical tolerance or indirect reliance, Mossadegh did not decisively suppress these movements when they served as leverage against the dynastic rival power centers. Institutionally, his later moves raised concern even among some former allies. The dissolution of parliament through a referendum, concentration of authority in the executive, and increasing reliance on plebiscitary legitimacy weakened constitutional balance within an already fragile state. A detailed day-by-day account by Sheida Bavand shows the scramble on the ground. After the Shah signed the dismissal decree on 14 August 1953, pro-Shah forces desperately needed copies to distribute to newspapers, magazines, and government offices (photocopiers did not exist in Iran then). They made unsuccessful attempts at various places before finally photographing the decree the next morning at Sako photo studio on Nadiri Street, run by a trusted Armenian owner. If this had been a slick, well-planned CIA operation, why the chaotic last-minute search for a photo studio and the improvisation? The incompetence and ad-hoc nature on that side further undermine the myth of a flawless foreign master plan. Part 2 Below 👇🏼

Whether or not Europe stands with us, whether or not your journalists do their jobs, whether or not your politicians demonstrate the courage to act, I will fight for my people and my country.