Sam

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Sam

Sam

@SRA338

Combat Vet | MBA | Anoka County Conservative | Fed up with the Corrupt Minnesota trifecta | Long live our unalienable rights …

Andover, MN Katılım Nisan 2021
152 Takip Edilen221 Takipçiler
Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Minnesota gun homicide reality: handguns drive 80%+. AR-pattern rifles: under 5%. Young Black males 15-34 are 1.2% of MN’s population and 40% of gun homicide deaths — concentrated in specific Minneapolis & St. Paul neighborhoods. Black Minnesotans are 7.6% of population, 57.8% of firearm homicide victims. This is intra-community handgun violence in a few ZIP codes. Clearly a cultural phenomenon.
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Minnesota Young DFL
Minnesota Young DFL@MYDFL·
Gun violence is the number one cause of death among young people. A 16 year old has died because of guns. Instead of spending Memorial Day weekend together, his family will be mourning his loss. It’s past time for gun control. kstp.com/kstp-news/top-…
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Dan Stublaski
Dan Stublaski@DStublaski26397·
@SRA338 Taxation without representation. Our taxes pay employees and then the tax payer funds the unions. Unions donate to democrats. There should be no public unions.
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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Your tax dollars hard at work. THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.
Keith Ellison@keithellison

Minnesota works because union workers do. Grateful for Anthony and every member of SMART Local 10 fighting for good jobs, safe jobsites, and strong communities.

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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Senator Klobuchar, the 564 number deserves an honest breakdown. Stop the gaslighting. Of 564 gun deaths in Minnesota in 2024 per the MN Department of Health and Protect Minnesota’s own analysis: 406 were suicides (72%), 148 were homicides (26%). 60% of those suicides occurred in Greater Minnesota — rural Minnesota the proposed gun-control bills do not address. 61% of suicide victims were over age 45. 90% were white males. Veterans accounted for 14.5%. Of the 148 homicides, the majority occurred in the seven-county metro core in specific Minneapolis and St. Paul neighborhoods. Per Johns Hopkins CGVS analyzing CDC WONDER: young Black males 15-34 are 1.2% of Minnesota’s population but 40% of gun homicide deaths. The weapon is handguns, not AR-pattern rifles. The shooters are predominantly known to victims through gang, drug, or community-conflict networks. Now the cases you cited. Annunciation (August 2025). Shooter Robin Westman passed background checks. Minnesota’s ERPO law was in effect since January 2024. No petition was filed. The legal infrastructure existed. The community surveillance failed. SF 4067 does not address this. Hortman killings (June 2025). Vance Boelter was an evangelical pastor with documented warning signs, no felony record, who legally purchased firearms. He impersonated a police officer to gain access. The murder was political assassination, not gun-availability. SF 4067 does not address this. Real solutions: ERPO petition infrastructure with family awareness and prosecutor outreach. Mandatory minimums for crimes with firearms — which prior-biennium HF 4277 from Sen. Mohamed and Rep. Frazier would have eliminated. Prosecution of the 175 of 377 illegal firearms Hennepin declined to charge in 2025 under Moriarty’s traffic-stop policy. Federal partnership on auto-sear and ghost-gun enforcement. Common-sense gun legislation means enforcing existing law against the actual perpetrators of actual gun violence — not building registration databases for law-abiding rural and exurban Minnesotans whose firearms were not used in any of the cases you cited. Stop the gaslighting. The data does not support your framing. Sources: MN Department of Health, Protect Minnesota 2024 Fact Sheet, Johns Hopkins CGVS Minnesota report, MN Senate vote records SF 4067, Hennepin County Sheriff data. #mnleg
Amy Klobuchar@amyklobuchar

In 2024, 564 Minnesotans lost their lives to gun violence. And last year, two little kids’ lives were taken in the Annunciation shooting months after Melissa and Mark Hortman were killed in their own home. We need action on common-sense gun legislation. I will always fight to keep Minnesotans safe.

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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Senator Klobuchar, the 564 number deserves an honest breakdown. Stop the gaslighting. Of 564 gun deaths in Minnesota in 2024 per the MN Department of Health and Protect Minnesota’s own analysis: 406 were suicides (72%), 148 were homicides (26%). 60% of those suicides occurred in Greater Minnesota — rural Minnesota the proposed gun-control bills do not address. 61% of suicide victims were over age 45. 90% were white males. Veterans accounted for 14.5%. Of the 148 homicides, the majority occurred in the seven-county metro core in specific Minneapolis and St. Paul neighborhoods. Per Johns Hopkins CGVS analyzing CDC WONDER: young Black males 15-34 are 1.2% of Minnesota’s population but 40% of gun homicide deaths. The weapon is handguns, not AR-pattern rifles. The shooters are predominantly known to victims through gang, drug, or community-conflict networks. Now the cases you cited. Annunciation (August 2025). Shooter Robin Westman passed background checks. Minnesota’s ERPO law was in effect since January 2024. No petition was filed. The legal infrastructure existed. The community surveillance failed. SF 4067 does not address this. Hortman killings (June 2025). Vance Boelter was an evangelical pastor with documented warning signs, no felony record, who legally purchased firearms. He impersonated a police officer to gain access. The murder was political assassination, not gun-availability. SF 4067 does not address this. Real solutions: ERPO petition infrastructure with family awareness and prosecutor outreach. Mandatory minimums for crimes with firearms — which prior-biennium HF 4277 from Sen. Mohamed and Rep. Frazier would have eliminated. Prosecution of the 175 of 377 illegal firearms Hennepin declined to charge in 2025 under Moriarty’s traffic-stop policy. Federal partnership on auto-sear and ghost-gun enforcement. Common-sense gun legislation means enforcing existing law against the actual perpetrators of actual gun violence — not building registration databases for law-abiding rural and exurban Minnesotans whose firearms were not used in any of the cases you cited. Stop the gaslighting. The data does not support your framing. Sources: MN Department of Health, Protect Minnesota 2024 Fact Sheet, Johns Hopkins CGVS Minnesota report, MN Senate vote records SF 4067, Hennepin County Sheriff data. #mnleg
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Amy Klobuchar
Amy Klobuchar@amyklobuchar·
In 2024, 564 Minnesotans lost their lives to gun violence. And last year, two little kids’ lives were taken in the Annunciation shooting months after Melissa and Mark Hortman were killed in their own home. We need action on common-sense gun legislation. I will always fight to keep Minnesotans safe.
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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Walz blaming Trump for HCMC’s collapse is misdirection. The record says otherwise. HCMC has lost money on operations 7 of the last 8 years per Star Tribune — before Trump’s second term began. Projected 2026 operating loss: $50M. Projected losses over the next decade: up to $1.7B. Three CEOs in 18 months. DeCubellis resigned March 2025. Klemond interim through January 2026. Croston resigned April 2026 after four months. Hennepin County dissolved the independent board in August 2025 because governance had collapsed. HCMC’s own executives blame uncompensated care — patients in the ED who cannot pay. Hennepin Healthcare’s own newsroom statement reassures undocumented immigrants the hospital will not coordinate with ICE. The county chose to be a destination for uncompensated emergency care while complaining the bills cannot be paid. Minnesota’s documented Medicaid fraud — $250M+ Feeding Our Future, $220M autism, $302M housing stabilization — approaches $1B. MN Legislative Auditor (June 2024) confirmed MDE enforcement was paralyzed by “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” Every stolen dollar is a dollar not available for HCMC. The proposed fix: increase a Hennepin County sales tax from 0.15% to 1% — a 567% increase — redirected from its original Target Field purpose to bail out the hospital. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. HCMC’s crisis is the predictable result of DFL-controlled county governance failure, Walz administration enforcement paralysis on Medicaid fraud, a sanctuary policy posture that absorbs uncompensated emergency care, and rejection of work requirements that would protect program integrity. Blaming Trump is misdirection. The crisis was built locally over a decade. Walz is balking instead of leading. Sources: Star Tribune, Hennepin Healthcare newsroom, MN OLA report, USAO-MN, MPR News, KARE 11. #mnleg
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Arvo G Beckwith
Arvo G Beckwith@BeckwithArvo·
What is wrong with you? Minnesotans understand why $$ are withheld. You and Ellison need to clawback all stolen $$ under your nose and fire people. You and the DFL are to blame. Try; no free healthcare to Illegals, no free college, no Driver’s Licenses, stop robbing our taxes.
Governor Tim Walz@GovTimWalz

Trump’s cuts to health care are putting hospitals like HCMC at risk. We’ve been hard at work in Minnesota to keep critical access hospitals open, but the federal government needs to uphold their part of the deal.

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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Walz blaming Trump for HCMC’s collapse is misdirection. The record says otherwise. HCMC has lost money on operations 7 of the last 8 years per Star Tribune — before Trump’s second term began. Projected 2026 operating loss: $50M. Projected losses over the next decade: up to $1.7B. Three CEOs in 18 months. DeCubellis resigned March 2025. Klemond interim through January 2026. Croston resigned April 2026 after four months. Hennepin County dissolved the independent board in August 2025 because governance had collapsed. HCMC’s own executives blame uncompensated care — patients in the ED who cannot pay. Hennepin Healthcare’s own newsroom statement reassures undocumented immigrants the hospital will not coordinate with ICE. The county chose to be a destination for uncompensated emergency care while complaining the bills cannot be paid. Minnesota’s documented Medicaid fraud — $250M+ Feeding Our Future, $220M autism, $302M housing stabilization — approaches $1B. MN Legislative Auditor (June 2024) confirmed MDE enforcement was paralyzed by “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” Every stolen dollar is a dollar not available for HCMC. The proposed fix: increase a Hennepin County sales tax from 0.15% to 1% — a 567% increase — redirected from its original Target Field purpose to bail out the hospital. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. HCMC’s crisis is the predictable result of DFL-controlled county governance failure, Walz administration enforcement paralysis on Medicaid fraud, a sanctuary policy posture that absorbs uncompensated emergency care, and rejection of work requirements that would protect program integrity. Blaming Trump is misdirection. The crisis was built locally over a decade. Walz is balking instead of leading. Sources: Star Tribune, Hennepin Healthcare newsroom, MN OLA report, USAO-MN, MPR News, KARE 11. #mnleg
Arvo G Beckwith@BeckwithArvo

What is wrong with you? Minnesotans understand why $$ are withheld. You and Ellison need to clawback all stolen $$ under your nose and fire people. You and the DFL are to blame. Try; no free healthcare to Illegals, no free college, no Driver’s Licenses, stop robbing our taxes.

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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Maggiy Emery, Executive Director of Protect Minnesota, told the Star Tribune that exurban gun-rights voters “were already lost a long time ago” — too small, too written off to bother with. The actual numbers say otherwise. MINNESOTA GUN OWNERSHIP. Approximately 49 percent of Minnesota adults own at least one firearm per SurveyUSA polling. That is roughly 2.3 million adult gun owners in a state of 5.7 million. Not a “very small percentage.” A near-majority of the adult population. PERMIT TO CARRY HOLDERS. As of early 2026, Minnesota had nearly 400,000 active permit-to-carry holders per BCA data — a 270 percent increase since 2010. These are not fringe voters. They are working Minnesotans who completed background checks, paid fees, and demonstrated training to exercise a constitutional right. THE EXURBAN MATH EMERY IGNORES. Anoka, Carver, Sherburne, Wright, Scott, Chisago, and Isanti counties — the exurban ring she dismissed — delivered 540,000+ votes in 2022. These counties went Republican by 12-25 point margins. They contain a substantial share of Minnesota’s permit holders, deer hunters, sportsmen, veterans, and farmers. Writing them off is not strategy. It is admission that her coalition cannot persuade them and has chosen to legislate around them instead. THE LEGISLATIVE RECORD. SF 4067 — Sen. Zaynab Mohamed’s AR-pattern firearm registration bill — passed the Senate 34-33 and died in the 67-67 House. SF 3655, Mohamed’s first bill of the session, would have banned possession outright with up to 5 years in prison. HF 4277, Mohamed’s prior-biennium bill with Rep. Frazier, would have eliminated mandatory minimums for crimes committed with firearms. The same legislator pushed three bills: register the law-abiding, ban the law-abiding, reduce sentences for criminal gun use. Every one of them lost or died. Emery’s coalition lost this session. They lost because the legislative math did not support their position, not because gun owners are too small to matter. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. The “small percentage” framing is the institutional-capture coalition talking itself into its own bubble. Protect Minnesota is funded by Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy and operates within the Johns Hopkins / Everytown / Brady advocacy network operating across multiple states. Their internal polling, talking points, and strategy memos all use the same framing: gun owners are an aging, shrinking, exurban, electorally unimportant constituency that can be safely ignored. The nearly 400,000 active permit holders, the 49 percent of Minnesotans who own at least one firearm, the 540,000+ exurban voters Emery dismissed, the 33 senators who voted against SF 4067, and the House Republicans who held the 67-67 line on her agenda all suggest she is wrong about the math. THE NOVEMBER POINT. The 2026 House elections will be decided in roughly 15-20 swing districts. Many of those districts contain significant exurban and rural populations Emery describes as “already lost.” If she is correct, her coalition will lose those districts anyway. If she is wrong — and the gun-owning population mobilizes in numbers proportional to its actual size — the coalition that pushed SF 4067 will discover the cost of writing off a quarter of the state’s adult population. The DFL coalition lost on guns this session because the votes were not there. The November question is whether the voters who held the line in 2026 will show up in numbers Emery did not expect. Sources: Star Tribune (May 2026), SurveyUSA Minnesota gun ownership polling, MN BCA permit-to-carry data, MN Senate vote record SF 4067. #mnleg
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Mitch "The Wałęsa Project" Berg 🇺🇸🇳🇴🇪🇪🇦🇷
Mitch "The Wałęsa Project" Berg 🇺🇸🇳🇴🇪🇪🇦🇷@mitchpberg·
Gitsum.
MN Gun Owners Caucus@mnguncaucus

The state’s most prominent gun-rights group said it is gearing up to target swing-seat Democrats who voted for the Senate gun bill, including Sens. Judy Seeberger of Afton, Rob Kupec of Moorhead and Grant Hauschild of Hermantown. “I do not think that this is a winning issue for the DFL,” said Bryan Strawser, chair of the Minnesota Gun Owners Caucus. Strawser said his group will point out what it says are problematic provisions in DFL bills, like one that would’ve allowed police into a gun owner’s home to inspect the storage of an assault-style weapon. He also contends Democrats are underestimating Minnesotans’ willingness to accept more gun-control measures after federal agents swarmed the Twin Cities last winter during the ICE crackdown. “There’s a lot of discussion along those lines, even in subreddits I would consider to be more liberal or progressive in nature, around that exact thing,” he said. “Like, why are we ‘resisting tyranny’ and then trying to disarm ourselves in the face of that?” startribune.com/after-session-…

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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Maggiy Emery, Executive Director of Protect Minnesota, told the Star Tribune that exurban gun-rights voters “were already lost a long time ago” — too small, too written off to bother with. The actual numbers say otherwise. MINNESOTA GUN OWNERSHIP. Approximately 49 percent of Minnesota adults own at least one firearm per SurveyUSA polling. That is roughly 2.3 million adult gun owners in a state of 5.7 million. Not a “very small percentage.” A near-majority of the adult population. PERMIT TO CARRY HOLDERS. As of early 2026, Minnesota had nearly 400,000 active permit-to-carry holders per BCA data — a 270 percent increase since 2010. These are not fringe voters. They are working Minnesotans who completed background checks, paid fees, and demonstrated training to exercise a constitutional right. THE EXURBAN MATH EMERY IGNORES. Anoka, Carver, Sherburne, Wright, Scott, Chisago, and Isanti counties — the exurban ring she dismissed — delivered 540,000+ votes in 2022. These counties went Republican by 12-25 point margins. They contain a substantial share of Minnesota’s permit holders, deer hunters, sportsmen, veterans, and farmers. Writing them off is not strategy. It is admission that her coalition cannot persuade them and has chosen to legislate around them instead. THE LEGISLATIVE RECORD. SF 4067 — Sen. Zaynab Mohamed’s AR-pattern firearm registration bill — passed the Senate 34-33 and died in the 67-67 House. SF 3655, Mohamed’s first bill of the session, would have banned possession outright with up to 5 years in prison. HF 4277, Mohamed’s prior-biennium bill with Rep. Frazier, would have eliminated mandatory minimums for crimes committed with firearms. The same legislator pushed three bills: register the law-abiding, ban the law-abiding, reduce sentences for criminal gun use. Every one of them lost or died. Emery’s coalition lost this session. They lost because the legislative math did not support their position, not because gun owners are too small to matter. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. The “small percentage” framing is the institutional-capture coalition talking itself into its own bubble. Protect Minnesota is funded by Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy and operates within the Johns Hopkins / Everytown / Brady advocacy network operating across multiple states. Their internal polling, talking points, and strategy memos all use the same framing: gun owners are an aging, shrinking, exurban, electorally unimportant constituency that can be safely ignored. The nearly 400,000 active permit holders, the 49 percent of Minnesotans who own at least one firearm, the 540,000+ exurban voters Emery dismissed, the 33 senators who voted against SF 4067, and the House Republicans who held the 67-67 line on her agenda all suggest she is wrong about the math. THE NOVEMBER POINT. The 2026 House elections will be decided in roughly 15-20 swing districts. Many of those districts contain significant exurban and rural populations Emery describes as “already lost.” If she is correct, her coalition will lose those districts anyway. If she is wrong — and the gun-owning population mobilizes in numbers proportional to its actual size — the coalition that pushed SF 4067 will discover the cost of writing off a quarter of the state’s adult population. The DFL coalition lost on guns this session because the votes were not there. The November question is whether the voters who held the line in 2026 will show up in numbers Emery did not expect. Sources: Star Tribune (May 2026), SurveyUSA Minnesota gun ownership polling, MN BCA permit-to-carry data, MN Senate vote record SF 4067. #mnleg
MN Gun Owners Caucus@mnguncaucus

Protect Minnesota's Executive Director gave an interview to the Star Tribune. She had something to say about you. "People who vote on gun rights are a very, very small percentage of the population, and they're already aligned with the right side of the electorate." She's not worried about you. She's not worried about your rights. In her view, you're already written off; too small a group to matter, too predictable to bother with. That's the mentality behind every gun control bill they pushed this session. They lost. You won. And we're going to remind her what a "very, very small percentage" can do in November. Prove her wrong. Join us at gunowners.mn/join #MNGunOwnersCaucus #Minnesota2A

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Sam@SRA338·
Your tax dollars hard at work. THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.
Keith Ellison@keithellison

Minnesota’s labor movement has always fought for working people, and because of that fight, families across our state now have things like Paid Family & Medical Leave, safer workplaces, better wages, and stronger protections on the job. It was great talking with Claudia from @MAPEunion about the power of solidarity. When workers organize, working people win. And I’ll always stand with labor.

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Matt Little
Matt Little@LittleCongress·
What did 128,000 of MN’s oldest, most disabled, and in-need community members do to deserve losing their Medicaid? The answer: nothing. This administration and the Republican Party are using fake “work requirements” to cut safety net programs that help our communities live. And worse, they’re doing it to give billions in tax breaks to mega-corporations and the ultra-rich. The “work requirements” are deliberately designed to be bureaucratic barriers so confusing and burdensome that Medicaid recipients, who are often older, poor, in dire need of healthcare, have limited mobility, live in rural areas, or are unable to complete complex paperwork unassisted, will lose money for other basic needs, and will lose out on critical healthcare. States, counties, and rural hospitals can’t afford the administrative costs associated with the increased paperwork. The end result is clear: our rural hospital systems, like those out here in Minnesota’s Second Congressional District, may collapse under the strain of unpaid bills. We will end this cycle of cruelty and save our healthcare system when we win back the House in November.
Matt Little tweet media
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Sam@SRA338·
@SenTinaSmith x.com/wallstreetapes…
Wall Street Apes@WallStreetApes

The defendants convicted of Medicaid fraud in Minnesota are not paying back the restitution they were ordered to pay - 50 cases prosecuted - $13.3 million was ordered in restitution - Fraudsters have paid back less than $2.5 million (Less than 18%) Fraudsters are already getting out of prison and skipping all payments Here’s just one example Ali Ismail Warsame was convicted of Medicaid fraud in 2022 and ordered to pay back $667,719 in restitution The judge ordered him to make monthly payments of $300 once he was released from custody Ali Ismail Warsame got out of prison in May of '24, but still has not made a single payment The crazy thing is these foreign criminals are getting granted early probation and getting let out of the prison They steal our money, get released early, then pay nothing back Mass deport them all. Why are they even still here

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Sam@SRA338·
@1_rabid_gopher These are our tax dollars being funneled directly into DFL coffers.
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One rabid gopher
One rabid gopher@1_rabid_gopher·
Woah
Sam@SRA338

THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.

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Sam@SRA338·
Matt — your tweet contains four false or misleading claims. Each one, sourced to primary documents. CLAIM 1: “128,000 of MN’s oldest, most disabled, and in-need.” False. The 128,000 figure is from the Minnesota DHS Supplemental Budget Book (March 2026). It represents Minnesotans who do NOT qualify for the federal H.R. 1 exemptions. Exemptions cover children, pregnant women, the elderly (65+), the medically frail, full-time caretakers, people in substance abuse treatment, the incarcerated, and people with disabilities. The 128,000 are by definition working-age, able-bodied, non-caretaker adults. Your framing inverts the actual demographic. CLAIM 2: “What did they do to deserve losing their Medicaid? Nothing.” False. The federal requirement is 80 hours per month of work, training, or qualifying community service — 20 hours per week, half-time employment for an able-bodied adult. Asking able-bodied working-age adults receiving taxpayer-funded healthcare to demonstrate 20 hours per week of productive activity is not punishment. It is the baseline social contract that has existed in TANF/MFIP since the 1996 Clinton welfare reform, which produced the largest reduction in child poverty in American history. CLAIM 3: “They’re doing it to give billions in tax breaks to mega-corporations and the ultra-rich.” Misleading. H.R. 1 contains both work requirements and tax provisions. They are not causally linked. Medicaid work requirements have been proposed by both parties since the 1990s and adopted in Arkansas, Georgia, and elsewhere under both Republican and Democratic governors. The work requirement stands or falls on its own merits regardless of the rest of the bill. CLAIM 4: “Our rural hospital systems may collapse under the strain.” False as stated. Rural hospital financial pressures predate H.R. 1 by a decade. Drivers: declining rural populations, Medicare reimbursement below cost, administrative bloat, hospital system consolidation, and the 2010 ACA’s hospital readmissions penalties. CD2 rural hospitals that have struggled closed or restructured years before H.R. 1 passed. The framing is campaign messaging, not analysis. THE STRUCTURAL POINT. You are running for Congress in a swing district from the DFL line. The political incentive to frame work requirements as cruelty to the disabled is obvious. The empirical reality is that you are defending a regime in which able-bodied working-age adults receive taxpayer-funded healthcare with zero work, training, or community service requirement, while every working family in CD2 pays the taxes that fund it. Minnesota’s documented Medicaid fraud — $250M+ Feeding Our Future, $220M autism Medicaid, $302M housing stabilization, all federally indicted — happened under the institutional regime your party built. The Walz administration’s MDE enforcement was paralyzed by what the Minnesota Legislative Auditor called “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” A billion dollars of taxpayer money documented as stolen, and the DFL response is to fight work requirements that would protect program integrity. Reform protects the system. Your framing protects the political coalition. If you cannot defend 80 hours per month of expectation from able-bodied taxpayer-funded benefit recipients, you are not running on principles. You are running on coalition protection. Sources: mn.gov/dhs, auditor.leg.state.mn.us, justice.gov/usao-mn #mnleg #MN02
Matt Little@LittleCongress

What did 128,000 of MN’s oldest, most disabled, and in-need community members do to deserve losing their Medicaid? The answer: nothing. This administration and the Republican Party are using fake “work requirements” to cut safety net programs that help our communities live. And worse, they’re doing it to give billions in tax breaks to mega-corporations and the ultra-rich. The “work requirements” are deliberately designed to be bureaucratic barriers so confusing and burdensome that Medicaid recipients, who are often older, poor, in dire need of healthcare, have limited mobility, live in rural areas, or are unable to complete complex paperwork unassisted, will lose money for other basic needs, and will lose out on critical healthcare. States, counties, and rural hospitals can’t afford the administrative costs associated with the increased paperwork. The end result is clear: our rural hospital systems, like those out here in Minnesota’s Second Congressional District, may collapse under the strain of unpaid bills. We will end this cycle of cruelty and save our healthcare system when we win back the House in November.

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Sam@SRA338·
THE UNION MONEY PIPELINE. In the 2021-22 cycle alone, the four largest public-sector unions (NEA, AFT, AFSCME, SEIU) spent $13.2M on Minnesota state politics — third-highest in the nation behind Illinois and California. Education Minnesota’s PAC alone gave $1.9M to DFL caucuses in a single 2022 reporting window: $513K each to House and Senate DFL caucuses, $900K to the State Central Committee. $25 of every Education Minnesota member’s annual dues auto-funnels to the PAC unless members proactively opt out. Public-sector union dues to PAC to DFL caucuses to legislation favorable to public-sector unions to recurring obligations paid by taxpayers who are not at the bargaining table. Closed feedback loop.
Angie Craig@AngieCraigMN

The only way we save democracy is through democracy – and when voters show up, we win. That's why GOTV PAC’s work to empower communities and increase turnout to elect democratic leaders is so important. I’m honored to have them on Team Craig.

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Minnesota Miners
Minnesota Miners@MinnesotaMiners·
.@mngop You did your job during this legislative session. You stopped a unconstitutional gun grab by the .@MinnesotaDFL. Along with not giving taxpayers money for the problems caused by the lack of cooperation during Operation Metro Surge also caused by the DFL. @MinnesotaMiners
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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
Johns Hopkins Center for Gun Violence Solutions just released a “Public Carry Permitting Model Policy Guide” (April 2026). It is presented as academic research. It is institutional capture in operation. WHAT IT ACTUALLY IS. Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy (Morningstar Foundation funded) produces policy templates through a Johns Hopkins-branded center. Lead authors are JD/MPH credentials — lawyers and advocates, not empirical researchers. Josh Horwitz ran the Coalition to Stop Gun Violence before joining the center. The document’s own page 4 describes its audience as “advocates and policymakers.” The institution’s stated tools include “legal and policy advocacy.” This is advocacy through academic laundering. THE CHERRY-PICKING. The document presents 10 empirical claims about “shall issue” and permitless carry as settled science. Eight of ten trace to the same research network — Doucette, McCourt, Crifasi, Webster (all Hopkins center personnel) and Donohue (the leading academic opponent of concealed-carry liberalization). The document does not cite Lott, Mustard, Mauser, Moody, or any researcher whose work contradicts the conclusions. It does not engage with the RAND Corporation gun-policy review, the most rigorous methodological synthesis available, which classifies the evidence for most permitting policies as “limited” or “inconclusive.” The Lundstrom West Virginia “29% higher firearm mortality” claim compares 1999-2015 to 2016-2020 without controlling for the COVID-era nationwide crime spike that affected every state regardless of gun law. One side of a contested academic debate is presented as established science. That is not research. That is advocacy. THE BRUEN PROBLEM. The Supreme Court’s 2022 Bruen decision requires gun regulations to have founding-era or Reconstruction-era historical analogues. The Hopkins document acknowledges Bruen exists, then proceeds to make 30 recommendations without evaluating any of them against the constitutional standard. Mandatory live-fire qualification scores, mandatory 80%+ written exam scores, state biometric retention of fingerprints, mandatory race-and-sex data collection on every applicant, five-year full re-testing, refusal of reciprocity with other states, and expansion of “sensitive places” restrictions are all recommended without constitutional analysis. The document treats Bruen as a constraint to work around rather than a legal framework to operate within. THE DISARMAMENT-VERSUS-ENFORCEMENT FRAMING. Every recommendation in the document targets law-abiding citizens applying for permits. None target the actual mechanism of American gun violence. Hennepin County declines to charge 47 percent of illegally-possessed firearms seized from traffic stops. Minnesota’s own Legislative Auditor confirmed MDE fraud enforcement was paralyzed by racism-accusation fear. Federal prosecutors document the entire institutional vacuum where state prosecution should be. The Hopkins document does not propose mandatory prosecution standards, declination-memorandum transparency requirements, prosecutorial accountability for systematic non-enforcement, or any mechanism that would address the actual failure point. Instead it proposes a biometric database of every legal gun carrier and a state apparatus designed to make permit acquisition prohibitively burdensome. This is the structural choice. Disarm the law-abiding through administrative friction. Leave the prosecutorial nullification intact. The document and Mary Moriarty’s office operate in coordinated direction — one builds the regulatory burden, the other refuses to enforce the criminal law. Both are products of the same captured institutional infrastructure. The institutional capture pipeline runs from Bloomberg-aligned philanthropy through Johns Hopkins academic credentialing through advocacy templates through Education Minnesota’s lobbying through Sen. Mohamed’s caucus through Minnesota state law.
Kostas Moros@MorosKostas

John Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health put out its "model policy guide" on public carry permitting, let's take a look. But I have one initial beef from the jump upon my initial skim of the document: it does not seem to acknowledge that violent crime rates among those with carry permits (regardless of the state that issued them) are very low. In fact, another gun-skeptical research organization, RAND, has acknowledged that "[E]vidence generally shows that, as a group, license holders are particularly law abiding and rarely are convicted for violent crimes.” So from the jump, any implication that permitting is a "problem" that needs to be solved is highly suspect, and reeks of antigun bias rather than any sort of academic rigor. And the fact that homicide has dropped despite the expansion of constitutional carry points to that not being an issue either. Plus, this is of course the BLOOMBERG School of Public Health, and Michael Bloomberg is Everytown's financier. But I've only skimmed it before doing this thread, so perhaps they'll surprise me. Let's see!

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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
The fiscal cost of Somali resettlement to Minnesota taxpayers, documented from primary sources. THE POPULATION. Approximately 108,500 Minnesotans report Somali ancestry per ACS 2024 — the largest Somali community in the United States. 47 percent are under 18. Concentrated in Hennepin County with secondary populations in St. Paul, Rochester, St. Cloud, and Willmar. THE TAX CONTRIBUTION. Total community income ~$1.9B per ACS 2024. At Minnesota’s effective 12 percent state and local rate per the Minnesota Tax Incidence Study, annual state and local tax contribution ~$228M. Median household income $30-40K versus state median $84K. Female labor force participation 30-45 percent versus state 72 percent. THE WELFARE UTILIZATION. Per Center for Immigration Studies (ACS 2014-2023, December 2025), confirmed by MN State Demographer Susan Brower: •84% of individuals reporting Somali ancestry receive public assistance (State Demographer figure) •81% of households consume some form of welfare (native households: 21%) •89% of households with children receive welfare •73% on Minnesota Medical Assistance (native: 18%) •54% receive SNAP (native: 7%) •27% receive MFIP/SSI/General Assistance (native: 6%) •78% of households with 10+ years US residency still receive welfare THE MINNESOTA PROGRAM COSTS. Minnesota Medical Assistance at 73% household enrollment across ~30,000 households at $8-12K average per enrollee: $700M-$1B annual program cost, with the Minnesota state share (35-45%) totaling $250-450M per year. MFIP at 27% participation: $50-80M annually, predominantly state-funded. SNAP administration, ESL, special education, refugee medical assistance, free/reduced meals add additional costs. Conservative annual Minnesota state expenditure (state share only): $400-700M per year. THE DOCUMENTED FRAUD. 92+ federal defendants, 82 of 92 Somali-American per the U.S. Attorney’s Office. All against Minnesota state-administered programs: •Feeding Our Future (MDE): $250-350M •Autism Medicaid (DHS): $1M in 2017 to $220M in 2024 •Housing Stabilization Services (DHS): $302M •Total documented fraud against Minnesota programs: approaching $1 billion Acting U.S. Attorney Joseph Thompson: “national poster child for public corruption.” Minnesota OLA confirmed in 2024 that MDE enforcement was paralyzed by “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” THE FISCAL EQUATION. Annual state/local tax contribution: $200-280M Annual state program expenditure: $400-700M Cumulative documented fraud: ~$1B Annual net deficit to Minnesota: $200-500M per year THE STRUCTURAL POINT. Minnesota uniquely bears this cost because Minnesota provides among the most generous state-supplemental welfare benefits in the nation. The resettlement concentrated here because the incentives selected for it. The Walz administration received donations from operators later indicted. AG Ellison returned $2,500 from the Mohamed family only after federal indictment forced his hand. The DFL coalition continues to defend the community while presiding over the enforcement paralysis the state’s own auditor documented. The fiscal cost is paid by every working Minnesotan. The political benefit accrues to the coalition that delivered the resettlement and protects its electoral product. POLICY OPTIONS WITHIN MINNESOTA AUTHORITY. End state-funded supplemental refugee assistance beyond federal minimums. Tighten MA and MFIP work requirements. Restore OLA program-integrity audits with enforcement teeth and racism-accusation-fear protection for staff. Condition state grants to community-affiliated nonprofits on independent audit results. Prosecute fraud aggressively at the state level. The 67-67 House split is the institutional check. Sources: data.census.gov (ACS 2024) cis.org/Report/Somali-… mn.gov/admin/demograp… mn.gov/dhs revenue.state.mn.us/minnesota-tax-… justice.gov/usao-mn auditor.leg.state.mn.us #mnleg
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Scott Adams
Scott Adams@scottadamsshow·
Bock, the mastermind behind the $9 billion Minnesota Somali fraud operation, confirmed that Tim Walz and MN AG Keith Ellison knew about the fraud, and Ilhan Omar was in on it.
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Sam
Sam@SRA338·
The fiscal cost of Somali resettlement to Minnesota taxpayers, documented from primary sources. THE POPULATION. Approximately 108,500 Minnesotans report Somali ancestry per ACS 2024 — the largest Somali community in the United States. 47 percent are under 18. Concentrated in Hennepin County with secondary populations in St. Paul, Rochester, St. Cloud, and Willmar. THE TAX CONTRIBUTION. Total community income ~$1.9B per ACS 2024. At Minnesota’s effective 12 percent state and local rate per the Minnesota Tax Incidence Study, annual state and local tax contribution ~$228M. Median household income $30-40K versus state median $84K. Female labor force participation 30-45 percent versus state 72 percent. THE WELFARE UTILIZATION. Per Center for Immigration Studies (ACS 2014-2023, December 2025), confirmed by MN State Demographer Susan Brower: •84% of individuals reporting Somali ancestry receive public assistance (State Demographer figure) •81% of households consume some form of welfare (native households: 21%) •89% of households with children receive welfare •73% on Minnesota Medical Assistance (native: 18%) •54% receive SNAP (native: 7%) •27% receive MFIP/SSI/General Assistance (native: 6%) •78% of households with 10+ years US residency still receive welfare THE MINNESOTA PROGRAM COSTS. Minnesota Medical Assistance at 73% household enrollment across ~30,000 households at $8-12K average per enrollee: $700M-$1B annual program cost, with the Minnesota state share (35-45%) totaling $250-450M per year. MFIP at 27% participation: $50-80M annually, predominantly state-funded. SNAP administration, ESL, special education, refugee medical assistance, free/reduced meals add additional costs. Conservative annual Minnesota state expenditure (state share only): $400-700M per year. THE DOCUMENTED FRAUD. 92+ federal defendants, 82 of 92 Somali-American per the U.S. Attorney’s Office. All against Minnesota state-administered programs: •Feeding Our Future (MDE): $250-350M •Autism Medicaid (DHS): $1M in 2017 to $220M in 2024 •Housing Stabilization Services (DHS): $302M •Total documented fraud against Minnesota programs: approaching $1 billion Acting U.S. Attorney Joseph Thompson: “national poster child for public corruption.” Minnesota OLA confirmed in 2024 that MDE enforcement was paralyzed by “fears of lawsuits, accusations of racial discrimination, and negative public scrutiny.” THE FISCAL EQUATION. Annual state/local tax contribution: $200-280M Annual state program expenditure: $400-700M Cumulative documented fraud: ~$1B Annual net deficit to Minnesota: $200-500M per year THE STRUCTURAL POINT. Minnesota uniquely bears this cost because Minnesota provides among the most generous state-supplemental welfare benefits in the nation. The resettlement concentrated here because the incentives selected for it. The Walz administration received donations from operators later indicted. AG Ellison returned $2,500 from the Mohamed family only after federal indictment forced his hand. The DFL coalition continues to defend the community while presiding over the enforcement paralysis the state’s own auditor documented. The fiscal cost is paid by every working Minnesotan. The political benefit accrues to the coalition that delivered the resettlement and protects its electoral product. POLICY OPTIONS WITHIN MINNESOTA AUTHORITY. End state-funded supplemental refugee assistance beyond federal minimums. Tighten MA and MFIP work requirements. Restore OLA program-integrity audits with enforcement teeth and racism-accusation-fear protection for staff. Condition state grants to community-affiliated nonprofits on independent audit results. Prosecute fraud aggressively at the state level. The 67-67 House split is the institutional check. Sources: data.census.gov (ACS 2024) cis.org/Report/Somali-… mn.gov/admin/demograp… mn.gov/dhs revenue.state.mn.us/minnesota-tax-… justice.gov/usao-mn auditor.leg.state.mn.us #mnleg
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Tosca Austen
Tosca Austen@ToscaAusten·
The money connections are getting harder to ignore… 🤚🏾💰$250 MILLION meant for hungry kids — stolen in one of the biggest frauds in U.S. history. Convicted ringleader Aimee Bock is left on the hook, and speaking out in a jailhouse interview to the NYP from jail. “I struggle to believe that she [Omar] wouldn’t have known.” Memory Refresher. Ilhan Omar: 💸Co-introduced the MEALS Act that gutted USDA oversight 🎥Filmed promo videos at Safari Restaurant (the $12M fraud site) 🏛️Held her 2018 victory party there 💰Took campaign donations from defendants… then quietly sent the money to charity after FBI raids And now? The untouchable MN5 Congresswoman Omar is refusing to hand over her office emails and texts with Bock from 2021 Minnesota House Oversight wants Congress to subpoena the records. Taxpayers robbed. Kids forgotten. Follow the forgotten money. Demand answers. Investigate. Every. Single. One.
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