Dr. Nazem
14.9K posts

Dr. Nazem
@DNazem
سِرْ في السرِّ على أقدام العزيمة وليكن همّك الظفر لا الغنيمة، فالعزّ لا يناله جبان، وإنّ أكتب الأقلام الأسنَّة





حتى لا تصاب بالجنون، عليك بالحوقلة والضحك!!! تقول الحكومة، عبر رئيس الوزراء ووزارة الخارجية، إن مؤتمر برلين ونتائجه لا تعني شعب السودان وحكومته في شيء، وإنه لم تتم دعوة حكومة السودان للمشاركة في المؤتمر. وتجاهل الرؤى المطروحة من الدولة السودانية ومؤسساتها الرسمية يعكس نهج الوصاية الاستعماري الذي لا تزال تمارسه بعض الدول الغربية، وتحاول من خلاله فرض أجندتها ورؤيتها على الدول والشعوب الحرة. وفي الوقت ذاته، يشارك من حكومة السودان ممثل عن حاكم دارفور، وقوى سياسية تدعمها الحكومة مثل (الجكومي واردول). وعقب المباحثات، يتبادلون الضحكات والابتسامات ويلتقطون الصور التذكارية ومقاطع الفيديو. شُفت كيف؟



Three Years Ago, After a Treacherous UAE-Backed Attack and the Betrayal of the Rapid Support Militia: A Speech to Prisoners Reveals the Ethos of the Sudanese Armed Forces Three years ago, just two days after the treacherous UAE-backed attack by the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) against the Sudanese state, Lt. Colonel Hassan Ibrahim Mohammed, a martyr by God’s will, may Allah have mercy upon him, stood before captured fighters from the militia and addressed them. It was a moment shaped by shock, anger, and uncertainty. Only hours earlier, those same men had taken part in an assault on state institutions, turning their weapons against their own brothers in the Sudanese Armed Forces. It was an act of betrayal that set in motion a war whose consequences continue to weigh heavily on Sudan. In such moments, restraint often gives way to instinct, and the urge to retaliate takes hold. Yet the words spoken that day came from a different place. He addressed them as Sudanese. He assured them they were in safe hands, that their lives would be protected, and that they would be treated with dignity and respect. This was not simply a field response, it reflected the character of an institution that knows its role, operates within a structured framework, and carries a sense of responsibility toward the nation as a whole. In that moment, the contrast was unmistakable. The Sudanese Armed Forces spoke as a state institution, grounded in discipline, tradition, and rules of conduct. That discipline held firm even under extreme pressure. The treatment of prisoners followed the same logic, preserving life and maintaining a basic standard of humanity in the midst of conflict. The speech also revealed a deeper awareness. There was recognition that some of those standing before him may have been driven by misinformation, rushed decisions, or incomplete understanding. That acknowledgment left room for reconsideration, for return, and for stepping away from the path they had taken. Then came the central message. Nothing justifies one Sudanese raising a weapon against another. This statement reframed the conflict as a rupture within a single society, not a natural divide between opposing sides. In those early days, there was still a belief that the crisis could be resolved through dialogue, and that stability could be restored from within Sudan. There was a sense that what had happened, despite its severity and betrayal, could still be contained before it hardened into a prolonged war. That path did not hold. As events unfolded, it became increasingly clear that the attack was not an isolated episode. The role of the United Arab Emirates, and its relationship with the Dagalo family, pushed the conflict into a different trajectory, one shaped by interests extending beyond Sudan’s borders. This is what gives that speech its lasting weight. It captures a moment when another path was still within reach, when there was still space to contain the crisis and reintegrate those who had taken up arms, either into state institutions or back into civilian life. At its core, the speech carried a clear humanitarian appeal. A call to evacuate the wounded, to assist the injured, and to place the preservation of life above all else. A reminder of families waiting, and of responsibilities that do not disappear, even in the harshest conditions. Then comes the stark irony that defines what followed. Two years after that speech, Lt. Colonel Hassan Ibrahim Mohammed, may Allah have mercy upon him, was killed in a drone strike carried out by the militia using UAE-supplied drones, following the recapture of the Presidential Palace and the liberation of Khartoum. The man who had called for restraint was targeted. The one who extended his hand toward reconciliation became a target. The message was unmistakable. Even efforts to contain the conflict and calls for reason were not spared. And yet, that early approach did not disappear. Three years into the war, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of the Sovereignty Council and Commander-in-Chief of the Sudanese Armed Forces, continues to call on fighters from the Rapid Support Militia (Janjaweed) to lay down their weapons, act with wisdom, and place national interest above narrow personal gain. This continuity reflects more than a momentary stance. It reflects an institutional approach. Looking at where the war stands today, at the battles that have reached the heart of state institutions, and at the scale of loss Sudan has endured, that speech reads as an early testimony to a path that was never realized. It was more than an address to prisoners. It was an expression of an institution. And a testament that those who extended their hand for peace became targets. #Sudan #OneArmyOnePeople

في مناسبة مرور 3 أعوام على الحرب.. الدعم السريع: - " الحركة الإسلامية الإرهابية" وجيشها أشعلا الحرب في محاولة يائسة للانقضاض على إرادة الشعوب السودانية وإجهاض ثورتها - الحرب محاولة لإعادة إنتاج "نظام القهر والاستبداد" الذي ثارت عليه شعوبنا وضحّت من أجل إسقاطه - الجهات التي أشعلت الحرب ما زالت تواصل سياساتها الهادفة إلى تمزيق النسيج الوطني وإثارة الفتن بين مكونات الشعوب السودانية وتغذية خطاب الكراهية والانقسام - قواتنا انحازت لمطالب ثوار ديسمبر وأسهمت إسهاماً حاسماً في إسقاط نظام الإنقاذ البائد - مسؤوليتنا الوطنية والأخلاقية تفرض علينا أن نواصل الانحياز الكامل إلى قضية شعوبنا المقهورة وأن نتمسك بخيار إنهاء هذه الحرب وإنهاء جميع الحروب السودانية على أسس جديدة تعالج جذور الأزمة التاريخية #الشرق_السودان




#درع_السودان تحت مجهر منظمات الأمم المُعادية وحقوق الشيطان لإستخدامها مبرر لفرض عقوبات أو للضغط عليها لفك إرتباطها بالشعب لتمرير مشروع جديد يخدم مصالح الغرب، ولن تكون القوات الأخيرة المُعرضة للإستغلال والتلاعب مالم يتجنب الجميع المُسميات وينصهروا في #المقاومة_الشعبية_المسلحة حسب.

المعارض التشادي أبو العنود: همشنا في ليبيا، وحميدتي طلب منا معاونته في حربه على أن يتعاون معنا ضد محمد كاكا و جرنا في حربه،جمعنا 15 ألف مقاتل. فقدنا 3 إلى 4 آلاف مقاتل في الخرطوم، وسننتقم من الدعم السريع، وسنمنع مرور شحنات الأسلحة لحميدتي عبر تشاد #السودان

#السودان وشعبه أمام خيارين لا ثالث لهما؛ إما الإستسلام والرضى بالهوان والخضوع لأبشع أنواع الإجرام وهروب من ينجو منهم إلى المجهول وإما الثبات والتقدم للأمام بلا أي إعتبار للحدود المُصطنعه التي وضعها المُستعمِر؛ بعد التحشيد والتجنيد والإعداد لما هو آت؛ فالهجوم خير وسيلة للدفاع.









