nitro

Zimbabwe has introduced a policy barring students who fail Grade 7 from proceeding directly to Form 1, redirecting them to vocational training centers to build technical skills.  Hanzi kupedza nguwa ,dzidzirai mabasa emaoko chero mawe kugona kuwerenga!!😂

She is smooth with it 🔥🔥

The physically battered body of Bantu Stephen Biko lay in a mortuary near East London in South Africa 🇿🇦 at the time of his post-mortem, 700 miles from the place of his incarceration by the apartheid white security police, shortly after his death on 7 September 1977. As the South African government continued to propagate lies that Steve Biko had died while on hunger strike, an undercover journalist secretly took the photo of Biko's body and sent it to Britain. The photo bearing Biko's battered face confirmed to the world that the anti-apartheid student activist had been beaten to death while in prison. It later emerged that while in police custody, Biko was stripped naked, shackled to the wall, and severely beaten on the head by his interrogators. As a result, he suffered three brain lesions that resulted in a massive brain haemorrhage. According to an autopsy, an "extensive brain injury" had caused "centralisation of the blood circulation to such an extent that there had been intravasal blood coagulation, acute kidney failure, and uremia".

We should also ask ourselves why black South Africans have developed a negative attitude toward black Africans,. SA was historically open to migrants. 1. Politicization of grievance 2. Poverty breeds anger 3. Failing politics across the continent put immense pressure in SA

No referendum needed for CAB3. Here's why. Zimbabwe's Constitution only requires a referendum to change 3 things: ✅ Chapter 4 - Your Rights ✅Chapter 16 - Land ✅Section 328 - Amendment rules CAB3 touches none of them. Parliament can pass it with a two-thirds majority. That's not a loophole - that's the law you and I approved in 2013. "But term limits!" Extending an election cycle from 5 to 7 years is not the same as changing term limits. Term limits govern how many terms someone can serve - CAB3 doesn't touch that. Not even close. Bottom line: Demanding a referendum on CAB3 is itself unconstitutional. The Constitution is working exactly as Zimbabweans built it.

ZANU PF’s National People’s Conferences have already ratified the CAB3 resolution, and such resolutions are binding as the party’s official position. Both the 21st (Bulawayo, 2024) and 22nd (Mutare, 2025) Conferences explicitly resolved to extend President Mnangagwa’s leadership beyond 2028 to 2030, directing government to amend the Constitution accordingly. In ZANU PF tradition, the National People’s Conference is the supreme policy-making body between Congresses. Its resolutions are binding on the Central Committee and Politburo, which must implement them. 21st Conference (2024, Bulawayo): Delegates resolved that President Mnangagwa’s term be extended beyond 2028 to 2030, and instructed government to initiate constitutional amendments. 22nd Conference (2025, Mutare): Reaffirmed the 2024 resolution, commending President Mnangagwa’s leadership and consolidating support for CAB3. heraldonline... Once adopted, these resolutions become the party line. Parliamentarians and party structures are expected to vote and act in accordance with them. So it is official that CAB3 is the party’s position and binding. The Conferences extended his mandate to 2030, meaning he remains the party’s chosen leader until then. Congress vs. Conference? While Congress elects leaders, Conferences can extend mandates and direct constitutional changes. This is not “ultra vires” but consistent with ZANU PF’s practice of using Conferences to consolidate leadership continuity Do we have historical archives? 1. 1999 Victoria Falls Conference— Endorsed fast-track land reform. 2. 2004 Esigodini Conference—-Endorsed Mugabe as sole candidate for 2008. 3. 2014 Harare Conference- Expelled Joice Mujuru, reshaping succession. CAB3 is not ultra vires — it is a binding resolution of ZANU PF’s National People’s Conferences, which extended Mnangagwa’s leadership to 2030. Past practice confirms that Conference resolutions are authoritative party positions, implemented by the Central Committee and government.

𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗣𝗥𝗢𝗕𝗟𝗘𝗠 𝗪𝗜𝗧𝗛 𝗖𝗔𝗕𝟯 𝗜𝗦 𝗧𝗛𝗔𝗧 𝗜𝗧 𝗗𝗜𝗗 𝗡𝗢𝗧 𝗙𝗢𝗟𝗟𝗢𝗪 𝗥𝗨𝗟𝗘𝗦 𝗙𝗥𝗢𝗠 𝗜𝗧𝗦 𝗜𝗡𝗖𝗘𝗣𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡 𝗜𝗡𝗦𝗜𝗗𝗘 𝗭𝗔𝗡𝗨 𝗣𝗙. Your own exegesis here betrays the fact that the Bill was not properly conceptualized and adopted within ZANU PF in the first place. You admit in your own writing that the Bill was agreed to at Conference, yet the ZANU PF constitution is clear that only policies, decisions, and programmes enunciated by the People’s Congress can be implemented by the Central Committee and pushed through to national government. Additionally, the Bill seeks to extend the tenure of the current President of ZANU PF for another two years, yet: (i) he has not been reelected by Congress. (ii) the constitution of the party limits his tenure as party President to two terms which end in 2028. (iii) According to the national constitution, the incumbent can not enjoy a term limit extension to 2030 through an amendment that he has made, without changing the constitution through referendum. All these facts make the aspiration of CAB3 ultra vires with both ZANU PF and national constitutions. So how did CAB3 make its way to Cabinet without being enunciated by Congress? How did ZANU PF decide on the extension of the term of a candidate that they have not elected at Congress? And how did a Central Committee, with members who were not elected by Congress, also advance a programme not enunciated by Congress? I get it that all these procedural questions mean nothing to you as people who no longer believe in following rule of law, but following the person who pays the most. However, the above illustrates that CAB3 has not been properly adopted within ZANU PF because it did not follow and pass ZANU PF processes. As such, CAB3 is not the desire of the people, yet ZANU PF’s constitution states that its mandate comes from the people. Cabinet itself, which introduced the Bill, is said in the Constitution to derive its authority from the people who elected the executive. But Cabinet has pushed through a proposed amendment to the Constitution that did not emanate from the people, but from a small elite. Additionally, the same cabinet and the President want to stop the people who give them the authority, from electing the President. So from where will the President derive his authority if he is not elected by the people in ZANU PF and the electorate, Parliament? This is why Parliament, which is filled with ZANU PF officials who failed to follow their own constitution, is now seeking to push through this Bill without adhering to the formalities outlined in the national Constitution which ironically was created by a body (COPAC) that was chaired by the same President who is watching his followers not follow the same constitution he authored. The manipulation of ZANU PF’s internal processes and the disregard for its own constitution, have led us to a Parliament and executive that do not follow or respect the supreme law of the land, despite both being enjoined to follow and protect the constitution. This creates a constitutional and governance crisis in our country that is tantamount to a national security threat.