teh halia 🇵🇸

If only people had the means to properly reflect on what it is to be a proclaimed feminist in an imperialist country and the way in which ‘women’s rights’ are instrumentalized for imperialist objectives. Reprehensible and unforgettable.

@J504024496039 My lord what happened

why are people so pressed touch some grass omg she doesn’t know you guys lmao

@DrewPavlou this country was literally built on war crimes. arresting BRS is an affront to australian traditions and values

@J504024496039 18 month rule out the window lmao

Are they fucking rabbits can they stop fucking omfg

@iluvmomoo Sorry that’s mine, I’ll come pick it up thank you 🙂

i don’t remember this being at hmart

Filthy prick, love and respect to the Kazakhs

This letter reveals the enduring contradictions of a discipline still deeply entangled with imperial power. While the signatories gesture toward “positionality,” this acknowledgment remains largely performative. It doesn’t translate into any meaningful engagement with alternative sites of legal knowledge, including the recent intervention by nearly one hundred Iranian legal scholars who have articulated the legal basis for Iran’s defensive operations under both constitutional and int’ law. The omission reflects a persistent Eurocentric epistemology in which authority is presumed to reside within US, while knowledge produced in the South is rendered peripheral or suspect. This epistemic hierarchy is further reproduced in the letter’s treatment of violence. The authors express alarm at recent statements by US officials prioritizing “lethality” over “legality,” as though such rhetoric marks a rupture. For those subjected to sustained bombardment across Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, … and Iran, there is no such novelty. What is described here as a troubling deviation is, in fact, the consistent operational logic of US military power over decades, one that has unfolded with death and destruction of our peoples and lands. The absence of this context is constitutive of a legal narrative that isolates events from the structures that produce them. The discussion of the Minab’s massacre is particularly revealing. The letter concedes that the strike was carried out by US forces on the basis of outdated intelligence, acknowledges its catastrophic civilian toll, and recognizes it as one of the deadliest such incidents in recent decades. Yet it retreats into the cautious formulation that the attack “likely” violated international humanitarian law and “could” constitute a war crime. This hesitation is not doctrinally required; rather, it reflects an asymmetry in the application of legal judgment. Where the actions of non-Western actors are often assessed through a presumption of culpability (ex Iran in the letter), the conduct of US forces is filtered through layers of uncertainty/ institutional self-reference. Equally troubling is the letter’s unsubstantiated attribution of unlawful conduct to Iran, advanced without evidentiary grounding comparable to that demanded elsewhere in the text. IHL requires rigorous analysis of distinction, proportionality, and military necessity. Assertions of illegality cannot rest on speculation or claims; they must be demonstrated. The reliance on US institutional investigations further compounds this problem. Institutions that are themselves implicated in the conduct under scrutiny cannot be treated as neutral arbiters. The history of such inquiries, marked by opacity, limitation, and the systematic minimization of civilian harm, raises profound questions about their evidentiary/ moral authority. To foreground these sources while marginalizing the testimonies of survivors/ affected peoples is to reproduce the very structures of domination. Any serious engagement with legality in this context cannot begin from the vantage point of imperial institutions, but from the experiences and knowledge of those who endure the consequences of colonial/imperial violence. *This includes the victims/ survivors in Minab* whose accounts constitute indispensable legal evidence within Iran and across the South who are actively rethinking the contours of international law in light of these realities. Int law cannot claim universality while remaining tethered to hierarchies of power and knowledge. If it is to retain any emancipatory potential, it must confront its own complicity in the reproduction of violence and open itself to plural, and often uncomfortable, sources of authority. Absent such a transformation, statements such as this, however well-intentioned, risk serving less as constraints on power than as instruments through which it is rationalized. justsecurity.org/135423/profess…

@J504024496039 What a handsome boy

my king

@J504024496039 Surely show us the kitty

I’ve been kissing my eldest cat for an hour and I can’t stop crying I love him so much I’ve known him for half my life he is everything

@J504024496039 It’s hers now!

je crois qu’elle veut me manger la main.

Cevapi is better than pizza 🇧🇦⚜️🇧🇦⚜️🇧🇦⚜️

Sunnis while the world is burning

The problem is, ultimately, Albanese is more concerned with being recognized as legitimate by colonizer/imperialist than she is in receiving legitimate recognition from the anti-imperialist resistance. And she can only recognize the other when it is weak, never when it is strong

menos mal fue el Ejército Rojo el que llegó a Auschwitz

"Where do you see yourself in 40 years?" me:

"China has social credit" Mfer... GERMANY is starving a journalist and his entire family because he reported the genocide in Gaza truthfully.

"This planet is so boring bc there are no magical creatures" WRONG! field mice napping in flowers attack

@J504024496039 Thank you

@cheekyrascal666 I’m trying trust

She just broke a handmade perfume my mom gifted me after hours of her mixing and sniffing to come up with my perfect scent. I only got to try it ONCE. IM LIVID

Cause he is a white man and thats all anybody here will listen to.