طالب علم

In July 1982, as Israeli forces besieged the PLO in Beirut, American officials sought to persuade Hosni Mubarak to allow the Palestinians into Egypt. The Saudis offered financial incentives, while Washington promised to pressure Israel to curb settlement activity in the West Bank and to interpret the Camp David Accords in ways favorable to Egyptian interests if Mubarak agreed to take Yasser Arafat and his fighters. Nothing worked. Mubarak refused. Declassified documents show that American negotiators in Cairo reported to Washington that “Mubarak had indicated that Egyptian acceptance of the PLO could lead to his eventual overthrow.” Nor did Syria offer an alternative. Arafat loathed Hafez al-Assad—who loathed him in return—and had no desire to relocate there. After weeks of feverish negotiations, during which American diplomacy appeared more concerned with finding a safe exit for the PLO than many Arab governments themselves, a deal was finally struck. The Palestinians assembled in Lebanon were to be dispersed across no fewer than eight Arab states: Tunisia, Algeria, North Yemen, South Yemen, Sudan, Syria, Iraq, and Jordan. As long as Arafat and his men remained in Lebanon, Arab states were content to leave them there, regardless of the burden this placed on the Lebanese. Yet when the time came for them to leave, it took eight—EIGHT!—Arab states to absorb what Lebanon had borne alone. In the years that followed, Lebanon was left exposed: first to brutal Syrian occupation under the criminal Assad regime, and later to Iranian hegemony exercised through the no less criminal local proxies. Today, when this Lebanese weighs the prospect of peace with Israel, he uses the lens of Lebanon's national interest alone. Given the extent to which Lebanon has been abused and mistreated, everything—and everyone—else is utterly irrelevant.

ايا كان من عمق الخلافات وحدة المشاعر، تلقائية او مثارة، فإن لغة السجالات السياسية التي تنزلق يوميا عند البعض إلى الكراهية الطائفية والسفاهة في الإساءة الى الأشخاص لم تعد مقيتة فحسب، بل باتت تنذر بمخاطر حقيقية. فالعنف اللفظي والرمزي يمهد احيانا للعنف الفعلي. لعل العقلاء يدركون الحاجة الى درء هذه المخاطر بممارسة للسياسة لا تغلق على احتمالات الحوار، اي كان من تعارض المواقف وشدة التناقضات.

"التعرّض للرموز" بالحكي جريمة لا تغتفر أمّا اهانة شعب كامل فمسألة فيها نظر - أديب اسحق (بتصرّف). خلّوا العالم تفشّ خلقها بالصور والكاريكاتور و"التعرّض للرموز" بالحكي… أحلى ما يبلّشوا يفشّوا خلقهم بالتعرّض العشوائي بالفعل. كفى تهديدًا بقمع الحريات وترويجًا للوطنية والإنجازات المزعومة فيما الشعب يئنّ تحت وطأة الغلاء الفاحش والفقر والفوضى. من ناحية أخرى، آن الاوان لضبط الإعلانات السياسية وأبواق الإعلام المأجور - غير الحر - ومقدمات نشراته الإخبارية المجهّلة المصدر والمسؤول. #لبنان Photo by Beppe Borghi, Piazza degli Affari. Milano (L.O.V.E Maurizio Cattelan) - July 24, 2022