Eleni / エレニ 🇺🇦🐱 (@EleniNumber5) - Twitter 프로필

고정된 트윗

この19世紀のカフカス征服において、チェルケスとの戦争で、ロシアは戦術として民族浄化を選択しました。村々は飢え、焼かれ、生存者は即座に殲滅。 25/ twitter.com/KareemRifai/st…

During the Russo-Circassian War in the 19th century, the Russian army employed ethnic cleansing as their primary tactic of war. Circassian villages were starved and burnt down, with any survivors immediately massacred.

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小泉進次郎@shinjirokoiz·17h

オーストラリアに続き、フィリピンからも歓迎のコメント出ました。 news.yahoo.co.jp/articles/c6fed…

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MAKS 25 🇺🇦👀@Maks_NAFO_FELLA·5h

‼️ The Russian ambassador to Italy was summoned to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs following m Solovyov's insults to Meloni. Solovyov called her a "prostitute," "a disgrace to the human race," and an "ugly woman" on TV. 🇮🇹 Meloni responded to Solovyov's insults: "By nature, a zealous propagandist for the regime cannot lecture on either consistency or freedom. But these caricatures certainly won't make us deviate from our chosen path. We, unlike others, have no strings attached, no masters, and receive no orders. Our only remaining guideline is Italy's interests. And we will continue to follow it with pride, to the chagrin of propagandists of all stripes."

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Magyar Péter (Ne féljetek)@magyarpeterMP·19h

Until 31 May, the Orbán puppets may voluntarily step down from their positions. This applies to the President of Hungary, the President of the Curia, the President of the National Office for the Judiciary, the President of the Constitutional Court, and the Prosecutor General. On 12 April, the Hungarian people voted for a complete political transformation. If these officials do not step down voluntarily by 31 May, then — on the basis of the mandate received from millions of Hungarians — we will remove them from office.

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John M. Donnelly@johnmdonnelly·6h

Approximate estimates of percentages of U.S. munitions expended in Iran war, per @CNN : 50% THAAD interceptors 50% Patriot interceptors 45% Precision Strike Missiles 30% Tomahawk missiles 20% Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missiles 20% Standard Missiles (SM-3 and SM-6)

Zachary Cohen@ZcohenCNN

New: The US military has significantly depleted its stockpile of key missiles during war with Iran & created “near-term risk” of running out of ammunition in a future conflict should one arise in next few years, per experts & 3 people familiar w/ recent internal Pentagon assessments. cnn.com/2026/04/21/pol…

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Mario Vattani@mariovattani·4h

良いニュースです👌 我が国の防衛、イノベーション、航空宇宙産業における日伊間の協力の可能性をさらに高める改革です。 🇮🇹❤️🇯🇵 #技術 #GCAP #イタリア日本160周年

高市早苗@takaichi_sanae

本日、「防衛装備移転三原則」とその「運用指針」を改正しました。これまで国産完成品の海外移転は、救難・輸送・警戒・監視・掃海（いわゆる「５類型」）に限定していましたが、今回の改正により、原則として全ての防衛装備品の移転が可能となります。安全保障環境が厳しさを増す中、今やどの国も１カ国のみでは自国の平和と安全を守ることはできず、防衛装備面でもお互いを支え合うパートナー国が必要です。現に、日本の防衛装備も、他国からの輸入やライセンス生産を通じ、様々な国によって支えられています。こうした中、パートナー国からは日本が「専守防衛」の考え方の下で整備してきている防衛装備品に期待する声が寄せられています。このようなニーズに応え、防衛装備移転を行うことは、これらの諸国の防衛力向上、ひいては、紛争発生の未然防止に貢献することとなり、日本の安全保障の確保につながります。また、パートナー国が日本と同じ装備品を保有していれば、部品等を相互に融通しあうこともでき、相互の連携が強化されます。同時に、装備移転に際しては、国際的な輸出管理の枠組みを遵守し、案件ごとに一層厳格に審査を行います。移転先での適正な管理もしっかり確保します。更に、移転先は、国連憲章に適合した使用を約束する国に限定します。戦後８０年以上にわたる平和国家としてのこれまでの歩みと基本理念とを堅持することに、全く変わりはありません。新たな制度の下、より厳正かつ慎重に移転の可否を判断しながら、装備移転を戦略的に推進してまいります。

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Melanie D'Arrigo@DarrigoMelanie·8h

The UAE gave Trump and his family over $5 billion for crypto, real estate and investment deals — and in exchange, US taxpayers have to bail them out for the damage from Trump’s war.

Dominic Michael Tripi@DMichaelTripi

NEW: Trump administration is considering financial bailout for the United Arab Emirates over economic losses sustained from US war with Iran. -WSJ

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Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش@citrinowicz·6h

Key Takeaways: 1. No breakthrough: None of the core issues have been resolved. Iran is unlikely to enter negotiations as long as the naval blockade remains in place, nor is it expected to concede to the administration’s demands under current pressure. 2. Limited U.S. appetite for escalation: At the same time, Trump appears reluctant to return to active military confrontation. Notably, there is currently no clear deadline for the ultimatum, unlike in previous phases. 3. Pressure without payoff: The naval blockade is more likely to drive escalation than capitulation. It neither creates conditions for Iranian surrender nor advances a diplomatic resolution. 4. Strategic signaling: Above all, it appears that Trump may be preparing the ground for a unilateral de-escalation without formally relaunching the conflict. Faced with a choice between escalation and compromise, he has opted for now for delay. 5. The open question is how long the blockade can be sustained, given the underlying assumption that Iran will not back down. The strain on the international system will only grow. Iran increasingly believes it can outlast the pressure, turning time into a strategic asset. Bottom line: This is not a solution, it is a path toward deeper instability. This is a strategy of delaying the inevitable rather than resolving the conflict. For now, atleast this is still better than escalation without a clear endgame. The mediators have bought time, but without greater U.S. flexibility, diplomacy is unlikely to move forward, especially as Iran shows no willingness to retreat. #IranWar‌

Barak Ravid@BarakRavid

🚨🚨🚨Trump on Truth Social: Based on the fact that the Government of Iran is seriously fractured, not unexpectedly so and, upon the request of Field Marshal Asim Munir, and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, of Pakistan, we have been asked to hold our Attack on the Country of Iran until such time as their leaders and representatives can come up with a unified proposal. I have therefore directed our Military to continue the Blockade and, in all other respects, remain ready and able, and will therefore extend the Ceasefire until such time as their proposal is submitted, and discussions are concluded, one way or the other

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Raz Zimmt@RZimmt·10h

As the ceasefire deadline approaches, it appears that the Iranian leadership, led by the IRGC, is unwilling to forgo its demand for some form of concession from the U.S., particularly regarding the maritime blockade, in exchange for merely agreeing to a second round of talks. This is no longer just a matter of negotiating tactics or hardening positions ahead of negotiations; it reflects a principled outlook within the hardline circles that dominate the Iranian leadership. These actors—whose internal dynamics involving Mojtaba, Ghalibaf, and Ahmad Vahidi are currently difficult to fully discern- are genuinely prepared to return to fighting. From their perspective, the U.S. is attempting to achieve through negotiations what it failed to achieve through war. They remain influenced by a sense of achievement from the 40 days of fighting and believe that, even if hostilities resume, Iran’s capacity to inflict damage on the U.S. forces, the global economy, and the Gulf states is greater. They also assess that while Iran may not be able to sustain itself economically for more than a few additional months, the opposing side would be unable to endure for more than a few weeks. As time goes on, it seems that the influence of the hardliners, whose power had already clearly increased in recent weeks, is even greater than might have been expected. They appear to be exploiting the complexity of the decision-making process, stemming from Mojtaba’s condition and his difficulty in effectively exercising control, even if he still retains decision-making authority, in order to impose their views. It is also important to remember that this group of commanders was shaped by the Iran–Iraq War and, over the years, has adopted a revisionist interpretation of Khomeini’s acceptance of UN Security Council Resolution 598 (the so-called “drinking of the poison chalice”). According to this view, Khomeini was compelled by Rafsanjani and Mousavi to agree to the ceasefire against the IRGC's position. The problem is that if this is indeed the dominant perception in Tehran, it is difficult to see how even a renewal of hostilities—and even if it entails escalation and damage to civilian infrastructure—would be a factor that changes the leadership’s assessment in the short term.

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Danny (Dennis) Citrinowicz ,داني سيترينوفيتش@citrinowicz·8h

From Tehran’s perspective, entering negotiations under a naval blockade would signal weakness, not strength. Without credible guarantees that the blockade will be lifted, Iran has little incentive to come to the table. In fact, refusing talks under pressure may be perceived domestically as a show of resilience. As a result, the likelihood of talks commencing in Pakistan remain low. The problem is compounded by the fact that additional U.S. pressure on Iran may prove counterproductive. Rather than advancing a diplomatic resolution, it is likely to push it further out of reach by reinforcing hardline positions in Tehran. #IranWar‌

Ali Vaez@AliVaez

Nope! Everyone in the Iranian system agrees that there is no point in negotiating if the U.S. continues its blockade…

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Babak Vahdad@BabakVahdad·2h

The initial two-week ceasefire between Iran and the United States has now lapsed. - Tehran has yet to provide any official reaction to Trump’s unilateral decision to extend it. - Meanwhile, MP Khazrian (National Security Commission) says military restraint is over, warning that any action against Iranian vessels from now on will be treated as an act of war and answered accordingly. #Iran #Iranwar

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Hamidreza Azizi@HamidRezaAz·5h

Back to No War, No Peace? 🔹The extension of the ceasefire for an undefined period – while a naval blockade remains in place against Iran – is widely viewed within Iranian debates as a highly unfavorable scenario. 🔹Some commentators even describe it as a worst-case outcome, as it effectively reverses Iran’s earlier strategy of attritional pressure and redirects it back onto Iran itself. In this situation, Iran is placed in a state of suspension – neither war nor peace – which Iranian leaders have explicitly sought to avoid since the outset of the conflict, preferring instead a decisive conclusion. 🔹From Tehran’s perspective, statements by Donald Trump and the current trajectory suggest that the shadow of war continues to loom over the country and its already strained economy. 🔹At the same time, the United States retains freedom of action, preserving the option to re-escalate militarily at a time of its choosing. This dynamic is further compounded by the ability of Israel to continue operating in a gray-zone environment. 🔹Taken together – economic pressure through blockade, strategic uncertainty, and continued low-intensity confrontation – this scenario is seen as gradually eroding Iran’s remaining strategic capacity. Over time, it could also intensify internal divisions among political factions, making crisis management more difficult for the leadership. 🔹In this reading, Trump’s extension of the ceasefire is not interpreted as a face-saving exit from the conflict, but rather as a recalibration of the war’s form and shape, which lowers costs for the United States while increasing them for Iran. 🔹This helps explain why Tehran may be reluctant to accept such an arrangement and could instead consider more assertive responses. 🔹Much will depend on whether the naval blockade is enforced in a substantive way or remains largely symbolic. 🔹A key potential trigger for renewed escalation would be any further interdiction or seizure of Iranian vessels. Such an incident could be framed by Iran as a violation of the ceasefire, potentially prompting a military response against U.S. naval forces and leading to a return to active conflict. 🔹From the perspective of some Iranian decision-makers, this may be seen as less costly than either yielding under pressure or remaining in a prolonged state of strategic limbo.

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laurence norman@laurnorman·6h

So let’s analyse this. It’s absolutely clear now Trump doesn’t want escalation. But it’s also pretty clear Iran doesn’t want also. So two choices. We stay in a blockade war. Both lose. Or there’s a quiet deal to ease the blockade and they talk. My money is very much on latter.

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Babak Vahdad@BabakVahdad·5h

IRIB: Iran does not recognize any extension of the ceasefire and may or may not adhere to it depending on its national interests. - Read this as a deliberate ambiguity: Tehran is keeping its hands free, signaling it won’t be bound by terms it didn’t formally accept, while leaving room for selective compliance if it suits its strategy. #Iran #Iranwar

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Laura Rozen@lrozen·6h

Trump buries the lede, that he is extending Iran ceasefire, with some face saving—saying it is to give Iran time to come up with unified position, and while maintaining blockade. But perhaps it reflects effort to get diplomacy back on track, after his erratic statements contributed to it stalling

Laura Rozen@lrozen

Trump says extending Iran ceasefire

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*Walter Bloomberg@DeItaone·6h

IRAN'S PARLIAMENT SPEAKER GHALIBAF'S ADVISOR: TRUMP'S DECISION TO EXTEND THE CEASEFIRE MAKES NO SENSE. THE CEASEFIRE EXTENSION IS AN ATTEMPT TO BUY TIME FOR A SURPRISE ATTACK. IRAN CURRENTLY HOLDS THE INITIATIVE

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Babak Vahdad@BabakVahdad·6h

An Iranian official says Tehran will not attend the next round of talks for now. - According to the same source, Pakistan has conveyed that Trump may lift the naval blockade in the final hours of the ceasefire. - If that happens-and the ceasefire is extended-new negotiations could take place as early as Thursday. Iranian channels #Iran #Iranwar

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Babak Vahdad@BabakVahdad·7h

Hezbollah says it carried out a missile and drone strike targeting an Israeli army artillery position in northern Israel (Kfar Giladi), in response to repeated ceasefire violations. - According to the group, the attack comes after more than 200 alleged Israeli breaches of the ceasefire. #Iran #IranWar‌

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*Walter Bloomberg@DeItaone·8h

IRAN'S FOREIGN MINISTER: BLOCKADING IRANIAN PORTS IS AN ACT OF WAR AND THUS A VIOLATION OF THE CEASEFIRE

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Gabriella Colarusso@gabriella_roux·9h

When even time is uncertain.. Iranian state TV: the ceasefire would expire at 3:30 am wednesday Tehran time Pakistani officials: the ceasefire is scheduled to end at 4:50 a.m. Pakistan time on Wednesday Trump: the ceasefire expires "Wednesday evening Washington time"

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Andrew Shearerアンドリュー・シーラー@AusAmbJPN·20h

PM Takaichi today announced amendments to 🇯🇵’s defence export rules; a welcome evolution for deeper defence industry cooperation with likeminded partners, including 🇦🇺. As DPM Marles has said, it will reduce barriers to 🇦🇺🇯🇵 priorities like the upgraded Mogami‑class frigate.

高市早苗@takaichi_sanae

本日、「防衛装備移転三原則」とその「運用指針」を改正しました。これまで国産完成品の海外移転は、救難・輸送・警戒・監視・掃海（いわゆる「５類型」）に限定していましたが、今回の改正により、原則として全ての防衛装備品の移転が可能となります。安全保障環境が厳しさを増す中、今やどの国も１カ国のみでは自国の平和と安全を守ることはできず、防衛装備面でもお互いを支え合うパートナー国が必要です。現に、日本の防衛装備も、他国からの輸入やライセンス生産を通じ、様々な国によって支えられています。こうした中、パートナー国からは日本が「専守防衛」の考え方の下で整備してきている防衛装備品に期待する声が寄せられています。このようなニーズに応え、防衛装備移転を行うことは、これらの諸国の防衛力向上、ひいては、紛争発生の未然防止に貢献することとなり、日本の安全保障の確保につながります。また、パートナー国が日本と同じ装備品を保有していれば、部品等を相互に融通しあうこともでき、相互の連携が強化されます。同時に、装備移転に際しては、国際的な輸出管理の枠組みを遵守し、案件ごとに一層厳格に審査を行います。移転先での適正な管理もしっかり確保します。更に、移転先は、国連憲章に適合した使用を約束する国に限定します。戦後８０年以上にわたる平和国家としてのこれまでの歩みと基本理念とを堅持することに、全く変わりはありません。新たな制度の下、より厳正かつ慎重に移転の可否を判断しながら、装備移転を戦略的に推進してまいります。

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