आम आदमी

Many people here are saying Vijay would be an awesome CM and there would be no corruption because he is already rich Poor fellows. If only they understand that corruption in India doesn't happen because of need or even greed. It happens because people realize they can.

जब-जब हिन्दुओं ने संगठित हो कर हिन्दुत्व के नाम पर वोट दिया है, अगले दिन से मंडल जैसे अवसरवादी दलाल जातिवादी अजेंडा ठूँसने में व्यस्त हो गए। एक दिन नहीं बीता परिणाम का, और दिलीप मंडल अंबेडकर की मूर्ति से ले कर सवर्णों को मुसलमान (यानी बंगाल के आतंकी, घुसपैठिया, रेपिस्ट) के समकक्ष रखते हुए अपनी घृणा परोस रहा है। सप्ताह भर नहीं रुक सके। ऐसे लोग बताते हैं कि ‘एक हैं तो सेफ हैं’ से ‘बँटेंगे तो कटेंगे’ केवल रैलियों की नारेबाजी के लिए है, इसका भाजपा की सामाजिक नीतियों से कोई वास्ता नहीं। मंडल ने ब्राह्मणों को संदेशखाली के शाहजहाँ शेख के समकक्ष रखा है जो TMC को वोट देते थे और दलितों का रेप करते थे। इस घृणा पर किसी की कोई प्रतिक्रिया नहीं है क्योंकि मंडल इनका नया विचारक है। ये लोग एक ऐसी पटकथा लिख रहे हैं जिसमें भाजपा सवर्णों का समर्थन पूर्णतः खो देगी। फिर कहेंगे कि ये तो मुसलमान हो गए हैं, पहले ही कहा था, वोट कहाँ देते हैं जो इनकी सुनें।

Hahahahaha “My brother Stalin; i don’t call any other politician my brother haan” : Shri 420 Rahul Gandhi

"I urge party workers not to take out victory processions for now, maintain peace." - BJP's Suvendu Adhikari in Nandigram

Allowing Dilip Mandal shitposting that savarnas (read Brahmins) conspired with Muslims to keep BJP away from power, is a brilliant move by @BJP4India & @narendramodi! IT celliyas seem pretty comfortable with it as they have accepted Mandal as their new father.

MK Stalin watching Congress forming an alliance with TVK Vijay in Tamil Nadu

हां हां 😂

Bengal BJP Chief informs that TMC workers who were seen with TMC candidates till May 4 are only attacking their offices now. He gives actual example from Kharagpur.

Glamour is gone,the face turns black within 24 hours with fears that a jail term awaits ahead. Shows he is already a convict. Police are gone,power gone, security Gone but yes Presidency Jail will be the perfect host. On trial prisoners will soon have him in the barracks.

Where is @NilanjanDasAITC ?

But how is Sardesai reporting on Bengal election as a neutral figure? We all know his wife is an MP from one of the parties, journalism me kuch conflict of interest nahi hota kya? Ethics har doosre profession ke liye hi hain?

These are the women who were told to avoid going out at night. For each one of them it was personal this time.

BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari meets people in Nandigram to thank them for his election victory from the assembly seat.

Himanta Biswa Sarma Resigned from the CM Post.....! Bengal Governor to Didi....

🤣🤣🤣🤣

🚨 JUST IN 🚨 West Bengal CEO Manoj Agarwal has submitted the Assembly poll results to the Governor RN Ravi at Lok Bhavan.

टेलिग्राफ वाले तो TMC वालों के भाजपा में आने से पहले भाजपा के हो गए!

"I came here to represent a philosophy of India, which is called the Vedanta philosophy. This philosophy is very, very ancient. It is the outcome of that mass of ancient Aryan literature known by the name of the Vedas. It is, as it were, the very flower of all the speculations and experiences and analyses embodied in that mass of literature collected and culled through centuries. This Vedanta philosophy has certain peculiarities. In the first place, it is perfectly impersonal. it does not owe its origin to any person or prophet. It does not build itself around one man as a center. Yet it has nothing to say against philosophies which do build themselves around certain persons. In later days in India, other philosophies and systems arose, built around certain persons - such as Buddhism, or many of our present sects. They each have a certain leader to whom they owe allegiance, just as the Christians and Mohammedans have. But the Vedanta philosophy stands at the background of all these various sects, and there is no fight and no antagonism between Vedanta and any other system in the world. Vedanta claims that man is divine, that all this which we see around us is the outcome of that consciousness of the divine. Everything that is strong and good and powerful in human nature is the outcome of that divinity, and though potential in many, there is no difference between man and man essentially, all being alike divine. There is, as it were, an infinite ocean behind, and you and I are so many waves, coming out of that infinite ocean. And each one of us is trying his best to manifest that infinite outside. So, potentially, each one of us has that infinite ocean of Existence, Knowledge, and Bliss as our birthright, our real nature, and the difference between us is caused by the greater or lesser power to manifest that divinity. Therefore Vedanta lays down that each man should be treated, not as what he manifests, but as what he stands for. Each human being stands for the divine, and therefore every teacher should be helpful, not by condemning man, but by helping him to call forth the divinity that is within him. It also teaches that all the vast mass of energy that we see displayed in society and in every plane of action is really from inside out, and, therefore, what is called inspiration by other sects, the Vedantist begs the liberty to call the 'expiration' of man. At the same time it does not quarrel with other sects. Vedanta has no quarrel with those who do not understand this divinity of man. Consciously or unconsciously, every man is trying to unfold that divinity. Man is like an infinite spring, coiled up in a small box, and that spring is trying to unfold itself. And all the social phenomena that we see are the result of this trying to unfold. All the competitions and struggles and evils that we see around us are neither the causes of these unfoldments nor the effects. As one of our great philosophers says - in the case of the irrigation of a field, the tank is somewhere upon a higher level, and the water is trying to rush into the field and is barred by a gate. But as soon as the gate is opened, the water rushes in by its own nature, and if there is dust and dirt in the way, the water rolls over them. But dust and dirt are neither the result nor the cause of this unfolding of the divine nature of man. They are coexistent circumstances, and, therefore, can be remedied. Now this idea, claims Vedanta, is to be found in all religions, whether in India or outside of it. Only in some of them, the idea is expressed through mythology, and in others, through symbology. Vedanta claims that there has not been one religious inspiration, one manifestation of the divine man, however great, but it has been the expression of that infinite oneness in human nature. And all that we call ethics and morality and doing good to others.

This election in West Bengal was not merely an election for a change of power; it was an explosion of long-accumulated anger, exhaustion, and deprivation. People did not vote only to bring the BJP to power; even more than that, they voted to defeat the Trinamool Congress. A party that had once become the symbol of change gradually came to represent, in the eyes of many, the arrogance of power, corruption, and partisan domination.The list of allegations against the Trinamool Congress is also long. For years, opponents have argued that the politics of Muslim appeasement in the state crossed all limits, that the administration and police increasingly turned into instruments of the ruling party, and that corruption and extortion became institutionalized from the panchayat level to the highest ranks of government. The teacher recruitment scam, the culture of “cut money,” and the abnormal financial rise of local party leaders did not escape public notice. Villagers saw people who once possessed nothing become owners of enormous wealth within only a few years.At the same time, a section of the population came to believe that instead of genuine industrialization, employment generation, or long-term development, the government relied on welfare-dependent politics to preserve its vote bank. Although schemes such as Lakshmir Bhandar and other social welfare projects benefited many people, the opposition successfully established the narrative that instead of development, “votes were being bought with allowances.”Government employees were also deeply dissatisfied. The DA movement, resentment over jobs, and the growing distance between the administration and citizens pushed many educated middle-class voters away from the Trinamool Congress. Allegations of electoral violence, booth capturing, attacks on opposition workers, and chaos surrounding elections created long-standing frustration and distrust toward democracy itself. Public anger also grew over women’s insecurity, rape, and violence against women, as well as the administration’s handling of such incidents. In many cases, the absence of justice, political interference, and insensitive remarks by those in power generated deep disappointment and outrage among ordinary people.Most importantly, many people came to believe that Mamata Banerjee was no longer the same combative leader she once was. After remaining in power for a long time, an atmosphere of personality cult, excessive centralization, and arrogance of authority emerged around her. The opposition successfully attacked this image and established in the public mind the political message: “Bengal no longer wants you.”History repeatedly shows that governments do not lose solely because of the strength of the opposition; they lose when people begin to feel that those in power no longer listen to them. In this election in West Bengal, that psychology played the most decisive role.Bengal was once not merely a geographical region; it was an intellectual civilization. It was the capital of thought, the center of renaissance and awakening. From Raja Ram Mohan Roy to Swami Vivekananda, from Rabindranath Tagore to Subhas Chandra Bose, from Satyajit Ray to Mahasweta Devi—this land built itself upon traditions of free thought, humanism, rationalism, and protest.It was in this Bengal that Ram Mohan stood against religious superstition, and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar endured social hatred and humiliation in support of widow remarriage. Rabindranath spoke for humanity even against the blindness of narrow nationalism. Kazi Nazrul Islam wrote songs of equality and rebellion against divisions of religion and caste. Jibanananda Das discovered the lonely beauty of Bengal, while Sukanta Bhattacharya dreamed of a world free from hunger, poverty, and exploitation.The artists and writers of Bengal once refused to bow before power. They were the conscience of society. When they witnessed injustice, they protested. Rabindranath returned his British knighthood in protest; Nazrul was imprisoned. The question today is this: does contemporary Bengal still inherit that tradition? Or has much of today’s artistic and literary community grown accustomed to applauding power? Many writers, poets, actors, artists, and academics in Bengal are no longer viewed by people as independent voices; rather, many believe they are openly engaged in praising the rulers in order to receive patronage.There are, of course, exceptions. But the perception that has formed in public consciousness is that a once-protesting cultural sphere has largely transformed into a culture of dependence and obedience. Allegations have arisen that conscience has been traded away in exchange for state grants, awards, positions, committees, and invitations. When art surrenders to money and privilege, artistic freedom dies and literature degenerates into flattery.The issue of minority appeasement also played a major role in this election. Many people in West Bengal came to feel that under the name of secularism, a form of biased politics was being practiced. Secularism means that the state should treat all religions equally; but if one particular community is used as a vote bank, resentment among the majority population is hardly unexpected.News of attacks on Hindus in Bangladesh—temple vandalism, forced occupation of property, and persecution of religious minorities—has regularly reached West Bengal. As a result, many Hindus in West Bengal have become fearful of the rise of Muslim fundamentalism. They fear that if fundamentalism is encouraged for political interests, the social balance will be destroyed. Whether this fear is entirely real or partly exaggerated, its influence on the election cannot be denied.At the same time, Islamist groups in Bangladesh are criticizing the BJP’s victory as a “victory of Hindutva.” Yet here a profound hypocrisy becomes visible. Most Christian-, Jewish-, or Hindu-majority countries in the world have established themselves as secular states. Yet in many Muslim-majority countries, Islam is the state religion; in some places Sharia law prevails, in others freedom of expression and the right to leave religion are restricted, and in many minority rights are curtailed. Many Islamist groups support religion-based states in their own countries while demanding secularism elsewhere. This double standard further obstructs modernization and self-criticism within Muslim societies.The political history of West Bengal seems trapped in a recurring cycle. Once, people removed the Left Front government because they believed the CPI(M), after decades in power, had become detached from the public. They rejected it over allegations of deindustrialization, party dictatorship, political violence, and minority appeasement. Riding that wave of anger, the Trinamool Congress came to power with promises of change. But over time, in the eyes of many people, the Trinamool also began walking the same path—only in a more open, aggressive, and reckless form.I myself have been a victim of this political culture. The CPI(M) government banned my book—a book written against religious fundamentalism and in favor of secular humanism. I was forced to leave West Bengal. Later, the Trinamool government also did not allow me to return to the state. Events around my books were stopped, and the broadcast of my television serial was blocked. Such treatment of a writer is not merely a personal attack; it is an attack on free thought, freedom of expression, and the right to question. A society that fears writers ultimately fears independent thinking itself.I am not a worker of any political party, nor am I a blind supporter of one. I believe no party is above criticism. Good work must be acknowledged, and wrongdoing must be opposed. In a democracy, the first duty of a citizen is not to become blindly partisan, but to preserve one’s conscience.Since people voted in hope of change, their expectations are enormous. They want corruption reduced, violence stopped, administration made impartial, transparency restored in recruitment, industry and investment expanded, and the education system revived. They want West Bengal once again to become a radiant center of thought, culture, art, literature, and humanity.But changing governments alone does not change society. Society changes when people transform themselves from within—when artists refuse to sell themselves, journalists refuse to live in fear, teachers refuse to become servants of parties, and writers refuse to stop speaking the truth. The great question before West Bengal today is whether it will return to its liberal, rationalist, and humanist traditions, or move further toward polarization, hatred, and the politics of revenge.Once, Bengal gave India the direction of renaissance, the courage of free thought, and new languages of literature and culture. Even today, people expect much from Bengal. At this moment of change, what is most necessary is not only a change in power, but also a change in political culture. Otherwise, history will repeat itself once again, and the people of Bengal will continue to move endlessly in the same circle.

Surprised that this is not known the late Arun Jaitley & Aveek Sarkar were besties