Dima Ster
1.9K posts
@SterDima
multi-ethnic, multicultural, anti nationalist, departed from Syria 12 years ago, did not arrive to a new destination yet She/They Circassian/Kurdish/Syrian
Syrian President Ahmad Sharaa watches performers dance to Missy Elliott’s 2002 classic Work It.
Ahmad El Sharaa remains the most absurd unexplainable event/character that happened in this part of the world in the past 50 years
Name me one other country in the Middle East which has an LGBT festival, other than Israel? C’mon, I’ll wait …
هل تعلم أن وزير الاتصالات يريد تنظيم النشر عبر فيسبوك في سوريا؟ #زمان_الوصل أعلن وزير الاتصالات عبد السلام هيكل توجه الوزارة لتنظيم منصات التواصل الاجتماعي، مبرراً ذلك بوصول نسبة استهلاكها إلى 60% من حركة الإنترنت المحلية. تعكس هذه الخطوة رغبة حكومية في فرض سلطة قانونية على فضاء رقمي عابر للحدود، في وقت تعاني فيه البنية التحتية للاتصالات من تدهور حاد. تثير تصريحات الوزير تساؤلات حول جدوى "التنظيم" في بيئة تقنية متهالكة؛ فبدلاً من معالجة بطء الترددات وارتفاع التكاليف، تتجه الأولويات نحو الضبط.
הילדה בחלחול שצורחת את נשמתה אחרי שרוססה בגז פלפל לא נפגעה מאלימות מתנחלים היא נפגעה מאלימות החברה הישראלית שמממנת את המתנחלים מכספה ומאשרת את מעשיהם בשתיקה הילדה הפלסטינית היא קורבן של החברה הישראלית הילדה הפלסטינית היא קורבן שלך
"IF A DICTATORSHIP IS INEVITABLE, THEN I WOULD RATHER HAVE IT BE A DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT THAN ONE THAT IS DESIGNED AROUND THE NEEDS OF THE BOURGEOIS CLASS" - @hasanthehun 🔥
عراقيون يأخذون صور تذكارية مع بقايا حطام تمثال حافظ الاسد سأئقي صهاريج النفط العرقي. اوتستراد طرطوس بانياس
The DIG protested against the misuse of Holocaust memory at Buchenwald by showing Adolf Hitler with a keffiyeh
The Arab Word is Watching a Different War: Three reasons why it has been difficult to understand the Arab position: The first is the Arab relationship with Iran. From the vantage point of Brussels or London, Iran presents itself as a resistance movement with a grievance against American hegemony and Israeli occupation, and this presentation maps comfortably onto familiar Western anticolonial frameworks. What it does not map onto is the lived experience of Arab populations in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, and across the Gulf. In those countries, Iran's presence meant Hezbollah holding the Lebanese state hostage to Tehran's decisions, thirty-five armed factions in Iraq drawing salaries from Iranian funds channeled through the Iraqi national treasury, and Houthi commanders answering to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps while firing on Arab civilians from Yemeni soil. Freedom is not the word any serious Arab observer would use for what Iran brought. Indeed, the Arab world's quarrel with Iran runs far deeper than American bases or Israeli airstrikes. What drives it is the systematic subversion of Arab sovereignty by a foreign power that uses the language of Islamic solidarity as cover for an imperial project conducted through proxies. The second dimension is the proxy question itself, where Western analysis fails most comprehensively. Iran goes far beyond supporting armed groups. Parallel state structures get built inside Arab countries, financial systems get captured, and political figures get installed who owe their existence and survival entirely to Tehran. The Iranians who have administered this project understand it as the export of a revolution, but what Arab populations have experienced is closer to a colonial occupation conducted through intermediaries, and as of now, they’re not mourning the Islamic Republic. When Westerners treat these proxy networks as instruments of legitimate resistance rather than as mechanisms of subjugation, they endorse an imperial project while believing themselves to be opposing one, and as a matter of fact, make themselves the legitimizing force behind Iran’s war against the Arab world. The third dimension is the most counterintuitive for a Western audience, and it is the one most consequential for how the current war is understood and misunderstood. For Arab nationalists, including secular nationalists and even those with deep reservations about Israeli policy, Iran represents a greater and more immediate threat than Israel does. This is a position that Western media are structurally ill-equipped to render intelligible, because Western discourse on the Middle East has been organized for decades around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the primary axis of regional injustice. The result is that when Western governments and Western publics take strong positions against Israel’s actions against Iran’s operations, they believe themselves to be standing with the Arab world. In reality, they are advancing a position that the Arab world does not share and has not asked for, while ignoring the threat that Arab governments and Arab populations actually live with. The rhetorical use of Israel as a perpetual alibi for Iranian aggression has been one of the Islamic Republic’s most durable tools, and Western opinion has served as the unwitting amplifier of that tool across the entire duration of the Islamic Republic’s existence. open.substack.com/pub/zinebribou…
نصر الله ينفي إرسال مقاتلين لسوريا trib.al/1e6lqX
