Extremum Adventura

🟥Rus topçu birlikleri Kostyantnivka şehir merkezini ve T0504 otoyolunu ağır şekilde vuruyor. Kostyantnivka'ya son 1-2 aydır bu çaplı bombardıman yapılmamıştı. Sanırsam bu sabah veya yarın Wagner Şirketi Ivanıske'yi almaya çalışacak.

2/ Ukrainian forces recently advanced in the Borova direction and western Zaporizhia Oblast. Russian forces recently advanced in northern Sumy Oblast and in the Kostyantynivka-Druzhkivka and Dobropillya tactical areas.

Another oil tank in Tuapse, Russia, exploded. The fire is also raging at the oil loading pier.

Internet restrictions in Russia have become a source of widespread public frustration. According to Russian sociologists, disruptions to mobile internet and messaging services have already affected roughly three-quarters of the population. For most people, this has created real difficulties, while for about a quarter it has seriously complicated daily life. Even Putin’s official approval rating has dipped slightly (by around 2%). Most respondents, however, blame "bad officials" rather than Putin himself. Russians are not dissatisfied because of a loss of freedoms - they are accustomed to that. What they object to is that the state has struck at the basic infrastructure of everyday life. The main impact is on private life and personal comfort. For years, the Russian system operated on a simple principle: stay out of politics, and the state will leave you a minimum level of privacy. That is precisely the space it is now intruding into. The absence of reliable internet affects payments, taxis, delivery services, navigation, work, and communication with family. These restrictions do not target only the opposition. They hit the urban middle class, small businesses, regime-loyal groups, and border regions alike. The state is not blocking an external political platform - it is disrupting taxis, deliveries, banking services, and communication in a society that already depends on digital infrastructure and has few alternatives. Dissatisfaction has already spread beyond those opposed to the regime. According to the Levada Center, for around 20% of citizens, internet restrictions have seriously complicated daily life. Businesses in Moscow estimated losses from five days of outages at 3-5 billion rubles (~$33-54 million), with courier services, taxis, car-sharing, and retail among the hardest hit. As a result, the issue now irritates not only regime critics but also its loyal supporters. The most dangerous effects are visible in border regions. In Russia’s Belgorod region, governor Gladkov was forced to acknowledge the legitimacy of residents’ complaints, as outages caused them to miss alerts about attacks. When restrictions are seen not just as inconvenient but as potentially life-threatening, the official justification - "this is for your protection" - begins to collapse. However, this is not yet a protest wave. Sociologists indicate that most people still perceive the situation as severe but manageable discomfort. Russians are angry, complain, look for workarounds, install VPNs, and shift to offline solutions - but do not automatically translate this into collective political action. If the restrictions remain fragmented, a significant share of society will adapt. But if the Kremlin makes disruptions systemic, tightens pressure on VPNs, and begins imposing state-controlled platforms as the only "normal" option, it risks triggering not a mass uprising, but something no less problematic: the erosion of passive loyalty. 📹: a Russian celebrity voices her frustration about Internet shutdown in Russia