Chirenje Mzukuru WeTongwe

There is no conflict between science and spirituality, so says Chirenje Mzukuru WeTongwe. Kindly subscribe to his YouTube channel for the full interview coming soon. Click the following link to subscribe ... @tategurutongwe?si=UyWQFGvGUZ0mjBd6" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener">youtube.com/@tategurutongw…

The politicians have to market those new suggestions to the people because it is the same people who preferred the direct voting for l the president by the people. No person or arm of the state including the courts has the power to alter the constitutional will of the people without the people's consent.

@SajeniMapuranga @BlessedGeza @Devro_Amplified @Jamwanda2 @kerinamujati @LynneStactia @mamakaCleo @ShumbaMasinjah @MJairosi @mawarirej @ChinamasaPA Electing a president through parliamentary vote is the best. Polls will be cleaner as Parties will just focus on the number of parliamentary seats & votes. There will be no run off, it will be easier to form a GNU, polls will cost less and there will be less poll disputes

Chinamasa must be possessed by evil spirits demons which made him support Ian Smith and Muzorewa to fight the people now he is possessed again to fight against One Man One Vote Chinamasa has spoken. And because he has spoken on matters of liberation history matters I did not read about in a textbook but lived, bled, and buried colleagues over I am compelled to respond.I will do so on the merits. Because the merits are sufficient. Chinamasa must remember that his old friends Ian Smith and Muzorewa they were fighting against One Man One Vote. "Cde Chinamasa has spent a lifetime finding himself on the comfortable side of whoever holds power at any given moment. That is not a liberation credential. That is a survival strategy he is a sellout aive kwaMuzorewa Chinamasa must shut up he has nothing to teach Zimbabweans about liberation struggle." Chinamasa tells us that the question of how a President is elected whether directly by the people or by Parliament was never an issue during the liberation struggle. He challenges anyone to produce minutes, archives, speeches from the NDP, ANC, ZAPU, ZANU, ZIPRA, or ZANLA that debated this question. He presents this absence as evidence that the current CAB3 proposal to move toward parliamentary election of a president has liberation legitimacy or at least, no liberation objection.I want to engage this argument seriously, because it deserves to be demolished seriously.The argument contains a fundamental logical error. The liberation struggle did not produce a detailed constitutional blueprint for every mechanism of post-independence governance. It produced a mandate. That mandate had a core, an irreducible centre around which everything else organised itself. And that core was this The people of Zimbabwe shall govern themselves. One man. One vote. The sovereignty of the citizen. The direct, unmediated, unfiltered relationship between the governed and those who govern them. That was not one issue among many during the struggle. That was the issue. That was the entire architecture. Everything else the flag, the anthem, the name of the country, the structure of parliament, the composition of the cabinet was downstream of that single, sacred, non-negotiable principle.When you move the election of a President from the people to Parliament, you are not adjusting a mechanism. You are severing that direct relationship. You are inserting a layer a layer that can be managed, persuaded, pressured, and in the Zimbabwean context of 2026, purchased between the citizen and the choice of who leads them. That is not a technical amendment. That is a reversal of the liberation mandate.The absence of a specific debate does not create a permission. It creates a responsibility to apply the spirit of what was fought for to questions that could not have been anticipated.I will not revisit in detail the political journey that brought Cde Chinamasa to his current position. I will say only this there are men and women in this country whose liberation credentials are unimpeachable, whose sacrifices are documented in the very archives he so confidently invokes, and whose voices on questions of constitutional principle carry the full weight of what was endured between 1964 and 1980. Chinamasa knows who those people are. He knows, in his private moments, how his own journey compares to theirs. I leave that comparison to his conscience. What I will say publicly is this a man's current political usefulness to a particular project does not retroactively confer upon him the authority to define what that project's historical predecessors intended. The struggle belongs to those who fought it. Chinamasa waive mutengesi during the liberation struggle aive kwaMuzorewa.@ChinamasaPA

Interesting 🧐

CAB3 will neutralise the PEOPLE & the Military completely ! #NoTo2030

CAB3 betrays The Reconciliatory And Nation Building Spirit That Gave Birth To The 2013 Constitution. CAB3 Submission By Rtd DIO Shepherd Mpeswe (3) On the Proposal to Extend the Presidential Term of Office from Five to Seven Years The proposal to extend the presidential term of office from five to seven years cannot be justified either in principle or in law. The current five‑year term was not chosen arbitrarily, it was the outcome of one of the most inclusive, transparent and participatory constitution‑making processes in our nation’s history. In 2013, following extensive nationwide consultations led by representatives across our social strata led by both the ruling and opposition parties, the people overwhelmingly endorsed the new Constitution through a national referendum, with more than 96 percent voting in favour. By that vote, the citizens made two matters clear, that the presidential term shall be five years and that no individual shall serve more than two terms. That framework reflected a profound national consensus, one carefully built across regions, political lines and generations. It balanced the need for executive stability with the equally vital need for accountability and leadership renewal. To now alter that balance without consulting the people would amount to a betrayal of the reconciliatory and nation building spirit that gave birth to the 2013 Constitution. It is especially troubling that one of the very lead architects of the 2013 constitution making process, a member of the ruling party who once championed the five‑year limit, now seeks to reinterpret it in a way that would permit its expansion. Such a reversal, thirteen years later, cannot be seen as an evolution of principle but rather as a distortion of it. This disagreement between Douglas Mwonzora and Paul Mangwana is, in itself, a compelling reason to return the matter to the ultimate authority, the people. If there is uncertainty about the original meaning and intent of the five‑year term, then only the citizens who voted for it can provide a legitimate answer and resolution. The Constitution belongs to the people, not to politicians. Therefore, any attempt to lengthen the presidential term of office must first and foremost be subjected to a national referendum. Without such consent, the proposed amendment would not only violate the people’s will but also erode the moral foundation upon which our Republic stands.

“CAB3 : The Art Of Removing The Voter While Keeping The Title ‘Election.’ " Submitted To Parliament By Retired DIO Shepherd Mpeswe. (2) On The Proposal To Have The President Elected By Parliament. Among the most troubling provisions in the proposed amendment is the plan to alter the method of electing the President, transferring this sacred mandate from the people to Members of Parliament. Such a change strikes at the very heart of our nation state and young democracy. The right of citizens to directly elect their Head of State is not merely a procedural matter, it is the highest expression of popular sovereignty. To strip the electorate of this power is to mute the very voice that gives life and legitimacy to our Republic. The motives underlying this proposed change seem rooted in elitist self‑interest rather than national good. It is no secret that sections of the political class, enriched through questionable alliances and the misuse of public resources, now fear the judgement of the people at the ballot box. Having lost moral legitimacy, they seek political survival through constitutional manipulation, insulating themselves from the accountability that free and fair elections demand. No invocation of foreign models or regional precedents can justify such a deviation from our democratic heritage. Each nation’s constitution is born of its people’s will, history and struggle, not of imported examples used for convenience. Any attempt to change how the President is elected must therefore be presented openly to the citizens in a national referendum. It is the people alone who possess the authority to decide how they choose their leader, not a select few whose allegiance may be guided more by privilege than by principle. The South African example is often cited to justify a system in which Parliament elects the President, yet that arrangement must be understood in its proper historical context. Nelson Mandela was not merely a political leader but he was the central figure of South Africa’s liberation struggle, having spent 27 years in prison. As the country moved through delicate negotiations from apartheid to majority rule, many South Africans, together with the broader international community, believed that Mandela was the most suitable figure to steady the transition and give legitimacy to the new order. In that circumstance, the choice to have Parliament elect the President was shaped by the unique demands of history, not by a universal democratic principle. Zimbabwe, too, has its own constitutional and political history and its system of choosing a President should be understood in that light. Where there is a genuine desire to alter the rules of the game, such a matter ought to be submitted to the people, because the current order itself is a product of the people’s will. I hope that this parliament gets to realise that to proceed otherwise is to erode the foundation of participatory governance and transform a government of the people into a government over the people.

I have attended too many funerals in my lifetime. I have walked behind too many flag-draped coffins, heard too many volleys fired over freshly dug earth, and watched too many widows fold the Zimbabwean flag into a triangle with trembling hands. I know what it looks like when a soldier dies. I know what it smells like when an institution is rotting. when I tell you that something is deeply, profoundly wrong with the pattern of death in our defence and security establishment I am not speaking from a position of bitterness. I am speaking from sixty years of watching this country. I am speaking as a man who has buried colleagues, commanded men who are now themselves in the ground, and who still wakes in the night with the faces of those who should have grown old with me but did not. Death comes to the Barracks early. Death comes wearing the uniform of those who asked no political questions. It comes for the junior officer, the loyal NCO, the general who served without complaint. But death seems reluctant almost embarrassed to knock on certain doors in the leafy suburbs of Harare. It does not hurry when it approaches the halls of power. And those who occupy those halls have noticed this arrangement. They have grown comfortable with it. They have begun to plan around it.They are marching to the National Shrine to bury our brothers, then returning home to campaign for term extensions. Ponder that for a moment. We are told, with straight faces, that our generals are dying of old age. Old age. This is the official explanation. This is the narrative distributed for our consumption.But I was taught mathematics long before I was taught military tactics. And the mathematics here do not compute. The man who stands at the graveside delivering the eulogy is older than the man in the coffin. The civilian who signs the state funeral order was born before the soldier being interred. The political principal who sends his condolences from his mansion outlives, routinely and conspicuously, the very men and women whose sweat and sacrifice built this republic's security architecture. What type of old age is this? What biological phenomenon selectively culls the juniors while preserving the seniors? What manner of mortality respects rank in reverse order killing those below while sparing those above? I am not trafficking in conspiracy. I am raising a question that any serious person, any person who has served, any person who has attended these funerals in the last decade, has asked themselves quietly and dared not voice aloud. I am voicing it aloud. Because silence, at this stage, is complicity. The ritual has become almost theatrical in its regularity. There is a state funeral. There are the military honours, the music, the solemn faces, the carefully composed grief of powerful men who did not visit the deceased when he was ailing. The flag is folded. The wreaths are laid. The speeches are delivered. And then within days, sometimes within hours the very same faces appear on our television screens, campaigning for constitutional amendments that would guarantee their own indefinite tenure.They mourn on Monday and campaign for 2030 on Tuesday. They bury a brigadier general who never questioned orders, and then return home to demand that the Constitution be amended so that the man who gave those orders can never be removed.

CAB3 Objection Officially Submitted To Parliament By Retired DIO Shepherd Mpeswe (1) Debunking Official Reasons & Justification For Constitutional Amendments Bill No. 3 Honourable Members, permit me at the outset to address the two principal arguments advanced in support of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 as the basis for altering our Constitution. Firstly, it is argued that frequent elections engender a divisive political atmosphere & leave the nation in a continual state of electoral contestation. Secondly, it is contended that the incumbent President has performed commendably & should therefore be afforded an extended tenure in order to complete his developmental programme. Honourable Members, with the utmost respect, I submit that these arguments are profoundly weak & cannot, by any measure, justify the extension of terms for the President or other elected officials from five to seven years. The assertion that Zimbabwe is in a constant state of electioneering is simply not true. That concern belonged to another era, an era now far behind us. Before the harmonised elections of 2008, it is true that the nation had to endure multiple, staggered polls, parliamentary elections in one year, presidential elections in another & local council elections yet another year later. For instance, Zimbabwe held parliamentary elections in 2000, presidential elections in 2002 & council elections in 2003 whilst preparing for yet another parliamentary election in 2005, a pattern that indeed fuelled national fatigue and political toxicity. However, since 2008, our electoral system has been harmonised & up to today, every citizen casts their vote for President, Member of Parliament & Councillor in one unified electoral process, once every five years. There is no prolonged campaign season, no endless cycle of contestation. The claim of toxicity born from frequency is therefore baseless. What truly poisons our political atmosphere is not the ballot but the betrayal of its sanctity. It is the failure of those in power to uphold the Constitution, to respect the freedoms & rights of those who disagree. It is the failure of Zimbabwe to abide by SADC & AU guidelines & principles on election conduct. Where elections are neither free nor fair, toxicity is inevitable not because of how often the people vote but because their will is not honoured when they do. Furthermore, the conduct & behaviour of the incumbent government, the ruling party & its cadres during the post-election period bear directly on whether or not the nation remains perpetually in an election mode. The continued politicisation of important state functions such as Heroes Day, Independence Day, Unity Day & the 21st February Movement, only serves to deepen toxicity within our political environment. It is also a matter of public record that the ruling party often sustains internal factional conflicts by keeping the country in a constant state of political mobilisation. This, therefore, cannot be credibly advanced as a justification for amending the national Constitution. The remedy lies not in constitutional alteration but rather in the exercise of discipline within party structures and a fundamental change in political conduct by the governing party. As for the argument that the current President is performing well & therefore deserves an extended term, that too, is a deeply flawed & self-serving justification. Constitutional amendments cannot rest on the subjective assessment of one leader’s performance. Indeed, not all citizens share the view that governance has improved. Many argue that corruption has worsened, public accountability has declined & that economic hardships faced by our people have deepened under this current administration. I therefore urge this august House to let us safeguard the integrity of our country by defending the people’s Constitution, resisting any attempt to dilute it & recommitting ourselves to the ideals that gave birth to our freedom.

Something happened to Elson Moyo. Something that has not been fully explained. Something that the official record does not adequately account for. Something that those with knowledge of it have been strongly discouraged from discussing. I am calling, today, from this platform, for a full, independent, transparent accounting of everything that happened in connection with Air Marshal Elson Moyo's departure from service and the events that surrounded it. Retired Lieutenant General Winston Sigauke Mapuranga.

Let me say that again so that its weight is fully felt. Commander. Of. The. Zimbabwe. Defence. Forces. The highest military command in the republic. The position that carries the full institutional authority of every soldier, every officer, every unit, every capability that this nation has built and maintained and sacrificed to sustain. General Sibanda held that position. He served in that position with the discipline, the professionalism, and the institutional loyalty that the position demands. He did not grandstand. He did not politick. He did not use his position for personal enrichment or factional advantage. He served. And then he was forced to step down. Not honoured. Not celebrated. Not given the send-off that his rank and his record demanded. Forced out. And after the forcing silence. Complete, total, imposed silence. General Sibanda is not in the public life of this republic. He is not consulted. He is not acknowledged. He is not seen at the events where men of his stature and his service are expected and deserved to be seen. He has been made invisible. I know what that invisibility costs a man. I know what it means when a soldier who has given his entire adult life to an institution is suddenly cut off from it not by choice, not by age, not by incapacity, but by the deliberate decision of those who no longer find him useful. Emmerson Mnangagwa used Valerio Sibanda. Used his loyalty. Used his institutional command. Used his professional credibility. And when the using was done, discarded him like a tool that has served its purpose. That is the truth. And I will keep saying it until someone with the authority to answer it does so. COMMISSIONER GENERAL GODWIN MATANGA WHERE IS HE? I want to ask a simple question. A question that every Zimbabwean should be asking. Where is Godwin Matanga? This is a man who commanded the Zimbabwe Republic Police. Who held one of the most consequential positions in the entire security architecture of this nation. Who was, for years, one of the most visible and powerful figures in the public life of this republic. Where is he? Commissioner Generals do not disappear. Men of that rank, that profile, that institutional history they do not simply vanish into private life without a trace. They appear on boards. They appear at national events. They appear in the consultative structures that any serious government maintains with its former security chiefs. They remain visible because their visibility is itself a signal of institutional continuity and respect. Godwin Matanga is not visible. He has not been visible since his departure. And the nature of that invisibility its completeness, its suddenness, its totality is not the invisibility of a man who chose to step back. It is the invisibility of a man who was told to disappear. And he disappeared. Because in this Zimbabwe, under this administration, the men who know the most are the most strongly incentivised to say the least.Emmerson Mnangagwa forced Godwin Matanga out. And then ensured that Matanga's departure would be followed by a silence so complete that even those who worked alongside him for years cannot speak his name in official circles without consequence. That is not governance. That is intimidation wearing the costume of administration. AIR MARSHAL ELSON MOYO THE ACCOUNTING THAT HAS NOT COME I have been careful in everything I have said about Air Marshal Elson Moyo. I have been careful because I am a soldier, and soldiers do not make claims they cannot fully substantiate in a court of law. But careful does not mean silent. And measured does not mean blind. The circumstances surrounding Air Marshal Moyo's forced departure from the Zimbabwe National Air Force are not the circumstances of an ordinary retirement. They are not the circumstances of a man who reached the end of his service and walked away with his dignity and his pension and the gratitude of the nation he served.

In November 2017, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa was not in Zimbabwe. He was not organising. He was not mobilising. He was not commanding. He was not in the streets. He was not in the barracks. He was not at the negotiating table. He was outside this country having fled when the pressure became too great sheltering in the Republic of South Africa while the men and women he would later call his colleagues did the dangerous, costly, irreversible work of changing this nation's history.I want every young Zimbabwean to understand what that means. The man who is today the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe the man who signs the legislation, who addresses the nation, who receives foreign heads of state, who speaks at the United Nations that man was not here when the work was done. The work was done by others. And those others are now, one by one, being removed, silenced, marginalised, Assassinated erased from the story of what they built. That is not politics. That is not governance. That is not even ruthlessness in the ordinary sense. That is ingratitude of a magnitude that has no modern parallel in the history of this republic. General Constantino Guveya Dominic Nyikadzino Chiwenga made the announcement. General Chiwenga commanded the institutional loyalty of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces. General Chiwenga put his uniform, his rank, his freedom, and his life on the line to make the transition possible. The soldiers who moved that night moved because of Gen Chiwenga. The institutions that held that night held because of General Chiwenga. The international community that watched that night assessed what they saw through the lens of General Chiwenga's credibility. Mnangagwa flew back into a presidency that General Chiwenga built for him. And what has General Chiwenga received in return?I will tell you what General Chiwenga has received. He has received marginalisation. He has received the systematic removal of his allies from every institution of consequence. He has received the managed diminishment of his public profile. He has received the cold, calculated distance of a man who no longer needs what was given to him and has decided that the giver has become an inconvenience. Vice President Constantino Chiwenga's health has been a matter of public concern for some time. What has been less publicly discussed is the political environment surrounding that health crisis the access that has been denied, the support that has been withheld, the institutional isolation that has accompanied his physical vulnerability. I am a soldier. I do not make allegations I cannot support. But I say this clearly and on the record the full story of what has happened to Vice President Chiwenga medically, politically, and institutionally has not been told. And the people of Zimbabwe have a right to demand that it be told. Completely. Transparently. With independent verification. Because when the man who made your presidency possible is fighting for his life and fighting for his political survival simultaneously and the President he installed is nowhere in that fight something is profoundly, historically, unforgivably wrong. General Valerio Sibanda served this nation as Commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces.

President Duma Boko is one person you can just like because of his political orientation.In Zimbabwe even when you show the courts our rights as given in the constitution you will rounded up beaten abducted and send to jail. President Duma Boko allows protests

Zimbabwean radio and television presenter Tich Mataz interviews the late Zanla commander Josiah Magama Tongogara's widow. In this interview, Amai Tongogara shares interesting anecdotes about her life, how she met her husband, built a family, liberation struggle politics and prophecy, including premonition, that he would never make it to see independent Zimbabwe, as well as his relations with President Emmerson Mnangagwa who married his sister Jane.

𝗦𝗢𝗨𝗧𝗛 𝗔𝗙𝗥𝗜𝗖𝗔 𝗛𝗔𝗦 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗠𝗢𝗦𝗧 𝗣𝗢𝗟𝗜𝗧𝗜𝗖𝗔𝗟 𝗩𝗜𝗢𝗟𝗘𝗡𝗖𝗘 𝗜𝗡 𝗧𝗛𝗘 𝗪𝗢𝗥𝗟𝗗, 𝗕𝗨𝗧 𝗧𝗛𝗘𝗬 𝗗𝗢𝗡’𝗧 𝗘𝗟𝗘𝗖𝗧 𝗣𝗥𝗘𝗦𝗜𝗗𝗘𝗡𝗧. South Africa is by far the most violent political scene with an average of 3 politicians assassinated every month over the past 10 years. The people being murdered are councillors. No other country in the world has this level of political violence, and this violence has nothing to do with directly voting for the President. Compare this with the number of deaths of politicians we have had in Zimbabwe or Nigeria over the last 20 years and both countries elect their Presidents. So, this notion by the Zimbabwean government that elections are more violent when nations vote directly for the President is nonsense.

Parliamentarians Now On The Verge Of Joining The League Of Zimbabwe's Public Enemies. For the public record, both under attached statements from the ZANU PF youth league and Gananda, Wicknell Chivhayo, serve the same underlying purpose. The youth league chair’s remarks are intended to create the impression of a party, government and state still guided by principles and values as they are trying to manage local and international perception ahead of parliament's final decisions on CAB3 public consultations and input. On the other hand and given the critical role that parliament will play in deciding the future of the Zvigananda culture in Zimbabwe, the Chivhayo statement is designed to reassure the same parliamentarians that additional funds and all promises by ED fronted by Zviganandas will be met without hesitation. ED and Zviganandas just can't gamble with the the role of parliament in seeing through the objectives of the CAB3 virus and hence it was hatched that the party commissariat and government ought to give statements to the contrary inorder to preserve the image of the party and government. Magemu aTiki chete as there is no sincerity in everything that ED lays his hands on. @SajeniMapuranga @advocatemahere @kerinamujati @matinyarare @adv_fulcrum @LynneStactia @MviringiHosia @tsedudzayi @schikanza @acielumumba @mawarirej

One of the BIG things the HEGEMONY uses is its YOUTH LEAGUE and WOMEN’S LEAGUE for NARRATIVE FARMING. So before we jump and clap for the statement, CHECK whether this is not one of those SANITIZERS of CAB3 at work, through the youth league, to create the IMPRESSION that Parliament is NOT COMPROMISED to vote for the President, and that through ZANU-PF there are INTERNAL SAFEGUARDS and accountability mechanisms that keep Parliament “pure,” which we know is NOT guaranteed in practice. That is the performance. That is the script. That is how legitimacy is manufactured. A few pages into “manufacturing consent” by CHOMSKY, and the prison writings of GRAMSCI, and you read these moments with caution!!! We are better than this. The last time this was done without approval, TSENENGAMU was the result. We are not fools!!!

The More ED Uses Looted Money And Threat Of Violence To Dismiss The Legitimate CAB3 Grievances Of The People, The More He Deepens Resistance. To suggest that the passing of CAB3 by a corrupt parliament with a manufactured 2/3 majority will somehow settle the matter is to misunderstand the depth of public anger and the seriousness of the crisis. The problem is not merely a bill in Parliament but it is the pattern of governance that produced it. If Cabinet endorsed a process that Zimbabweans overwhelmingly view as dangerous, then Cabinet and those driving this agenda cannot be separated from the consequences. Responsibility sits at the top. The issue before Zimbabweans is about the people’s right to resist a political project that appears designed to entrench corruption, weaken constitutionalism and ignore the suffering of the masses. Those in the mould of @kmutisi who speak confidently about winners and losers should remember that history does not only reward political survival but it also condemns betrayal. Power may silence people for a season but it does not erase public memory. The more a government dismisses legitimate grievances, the more it deepens resistance. If CAB3 is allowed to sail through without genuine national consent, as is being vigorously pushed by ED and his Zviganandas, the damage will not end with a vote in Parliament. Just like upon the declaration of UDI by Ian Smith in 1965, It will mark a dangerous turning point in the relationship between the state and its people. At that point, the real question will not be who was loyal to whom but who stood with Zimbabwe and who stood with the abuse of Zimbabwe. The people are not confused. They are watching and drawing the lines of accountability exactly where they belong. Aluta continua. @SajeniMapuranga @matinyarare @MviringiHosia @kerinamujati @LynneStactia @mawarirej @schikanza @AntoniaMtizira @nickmangwana

I spent decades inside the Zimbabwe Defence Forces understanding one fundamental truth about command authority every decision a Commander makes is a message to his troops. Every order. Every promotion. Every disciplinary action. And yes every pardon. So let us talk about this pardon with the honesty it deserves. A man convicted in connection with a plot to assassinate Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga and whose operation reportedly had General Sanyatwe on the same elimination list has been released by presidential clemency. I need every Zimbabwean to pause and absorb that sentence fully. This was not a petty criminal. This was not a man convicted of a financial transgression or a minor statutory offence. This was a hitman. A contracted killer whose mission had it succeeded would have decapitated Zimbabwe's Vice Presidential office and potentially altered the entire command architecture of this republic. The courts convicted him. The state prosecuted him. The evidence was presented. Justice was served. And then the President's pen undid it all. Now President Mnangagwa has on various occasions suggested he is not the architect of Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3. That CAB3 is a party process. That he does not personally drive the agenda to extend his own tenure and remove term limit protections. I am a soldier. I deal in evidence, not sentiment. The pardon is evidence. You do not pardon a man convicted in connection with a plot to kill your Vice President General Constantino Chiwenga unless one of the following is true either you no longer regard that Vice President Chiwenga as someone deserving of the full protection of the state, or you are sending a deliberate signal to those who share that view that their actions carry manageable consequences. Either conclusion is alarming. Either conclusion demands a press conference. Not a statement through a spokesperson. Not a tweet from the information ministry. A press conference cameras, microphones, journalists, and the President of Zimbabwe speaking for himself. Tell the nation why that pardon was signed. Tell General Chiwenga who survived that plot, who has served this country in uniform and in office what the pardon of his would-be assassin's contractor means for his safety and his dignity. Tell General Sanyatwe whose name also appeared on that elimination list that the state still considers his life worth protecting. And tell the Zimbabwe Defence Forces every serving officer, every soldier in the barracks tonight that a conviction for plotting against the command structure of this republic is not a sentence that can be quietly commuted when political seasons change.Silence from State House on this matter is not presidential restraint. In my experience silence at this volume is a position. Mr. President. The nation is not asking for much. Just the truth. On camera. Under your own name. If CAB3 is not yours say so. If the pardon was administrative explain it. If General Chiwenga remains your trusted partner demonstrate it. Because right now, the only briefing the nation has received came not from your press office It came from your signature. Lt. Gen. (Rtd) Winston Sigauke Mapuranga.

A Pastor Delivers A Charged And Emotional Prayer Against Corruption, Misgovernance And The Suffering Of Masses.