
KWID8
1.1K posts


The sentiment conveyed reflects how most true Australians are feeling. We are collectively at the lowest of the lows in living memory.
This is not the Australia we want, and we certainly didn’t vote for it—outside the brainwashed people still voting for the duopoly.
It is beyond time for Australians to reclaim what we have lost and restore the Australian spirit. If we do nothing, this ‘modern Australia’ is the future we face.
It doesn’t matter what you are prepared to do—just do something that will benefit Australia!
🇦🇺🇦🇺🇦🇺
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@Karlxonx @Ryandally08 Every person who is arrested is
**INNOCENT UNTIL PROVEN GUILTY IN A COURT OF LAW**
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#BREAKING Alleged Bondi terrorist Naveed Akram’s family claim they are worried someone will burn down their western Sydney home and said their membership was revoked at Mounties in the wake of the attack.
Venera Akram, said she was concerned about vigilante attacks and the risk of someone burning down their home.
She said she read a comment “to the effect that someone should ‘torch’ our house” and noted 33 people had indicated their agreement.
She also said she received a text calling her a “Pakistani c***” and a phone call during which a person asked “Are you still alive?”
All hearsay, no evidence.
The Akram family are now trying to play the victim.

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@Bitcoin_Teddy @cjtjgeol A true legend! Imagine if Australia had politicians with anywhere near the energy and conviction Milei displays. It certainly throws a very bright light on our bunch of clowns…
He’s 100% right about the leftists too!!
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Argentina President Javier Milei: “You can’t give shit leftards a single inch”
Reporter: “Why do you call leftists ‘shit’?”
Milei: “Because they are shit! They will kill you! If you give them an inch, they will destroy you! You can't negotiate with leftists. You don't negotiate with trash because they will end you.”
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@liz_churchill10 @Hadfijan Comes from the same cloth as Starmer, Macron, Carney and Albanese. All lying corrupt socialist scumbags
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KWID8 retweetet

Food for thought.
Trump, Hormuz and the End of the Free Ride
For half a century, Western strategists have known that the Strait of Hormuz is the acute point where energy, sea power and political will intersect. That knowledge is not in dispute. What is new in this war with Iran is that the United States, under Donald Trump, has chosen not to rush to “solve” the problem. In Hegelian terms, he is refusing an easy synthesis in order to force the underlying contradiction to the surface.
The old thesis was simple: the US guarantees open sea lanes in the Gulf, and everyone else structures their economies and politics around that free insurance. Europe and the UK embraced ambitious green policies, ran down hard‑power capabilities and lectured Washington on multilateral virtue, secure in the assumption that American carriers would always appear off Hormuz. The political class behaved as if the American security guarantee were a law of nature, not a contingent choice. Their conduct today is closer to Chamberlain than Churchill: temporising, issuing statements, hoping the storm will pass without a fundamental reordering of their responsibilities.
Trump’s antithesis is to withhold the automatic guarantee at the moment of maximum stress. Militarily, the US can break Iran’s residual ability to contest the Strait; that is not the binding constraint. The point is to delay that act. By allowing a closure or semi‑closure to bite, Trump ensures that the immediate pain is concentrated in exactly the jurisdictions that have most conspicuously free‑ridden on US power: the EU and the UK. Their industries, consumers and energy‑transition assumptions are exposed.
In that context, his reported blunt message to European and British leaders, you need the oil out of the Strait more than we do; why don’t you go and take it? Is not a throwaway line. It is the verbalisation of the antithesis. It openly reverses the traditional presumption that America will carry the burden while its allies emote from the sidelines.
In this dialectic, the prize is not simply the reopening of a chokepoint. The prize is a reordered system in which the United States effectively arbitrages and controls the global flow of oil. A world in which US‑aligned production in the Americas plus a discretionary capability to secure,or not secure, Hormuz places Washington at the centre of the hydrocarbon chessboard. For that strategic end, a rapid restoration of the old status quo would be counterproductive.
A quick, surgical “fix” of Hormuz would short‑circuit the dialectic. If Trump rapidly crushed Iran’s remaining coastal capabilities, swept the mines and escorted tankers back through the Strait, Europe and the UK would heave a sigh of relief and return to business as usual: underfunded militaries, maximalist green posturing and performative disdain for US power, all underwritten by that same power. The contradiction between their dependence and their posture would remain latent.
By declining to supply the synthesis on demand, and by explicitly telling London and Brussels to “go and take it” themselves, Trump forces a reckoning. European and British leaders must confront the fact that their energy systems, their industrial bases and their geopolitical sermons all rest on an American hard‑power foundation they neither finance nor politically respect. The longer the contradiction is allowed to unfold, the stronger the eventual synthesis can be: a new order in which access to secure flows, Hormuz, Venezuela and beyond, is explicitly conditional on real contributions, not assumed as a right.
In that sense, the delay in “taking” the Strait, and the challenge issued to US allies to do it themselves, is not indecision. It is the negative moment Hegel insisted was necessary for history to move. Only by withholding the old guarantee, and by saying so out loud to those who depended on it, can Trump hope to end the free ride.

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Respectfully, Ash, that must be the most stupid thing I’ve seen posted in a very long time. To even think Starmer and Albanese are worth a post in the first instance is completely moronic, let alone glorifying their collective failures as some sort of leadership. It’s beyond stupid; it can only be described as brainwashed. Apologies in advance. 🇦🇺
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@realMaalouf Yes, Islam has mosques, fn use them, you’re taking the piss now and we’re getting a little annoyed with you!!! 🇦🇺
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@PaulineHansonOz Same to you and yours, Pauline. Keep up the good work—you're doing a great job. Thank you. 🇦🇺🇦🇺🇦🇺
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Trying to hold our current government to standards would be a fruitless task, I'd suggest, but in saying that, you are leading by example for sure.
The more people that get on board and demand politicians behave in a manner that benefits Australia, the better.
The tide is turning and momentum is building. 🇦🇺🇦🇺🇦🇺
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Thank you. I think what my statement tapped into is a broader frustration about the decline in standards and the way ordinary Australians feel spoken down to. People want representatives who uphold civic expectations, treat the public with respect, and take their responsibilities seriously. That’s the issue I’m focused on — restoring standards, not attacking individuals.
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My recent comment to Patrick Gorman, MP has now been viewed over 28,000 times. The scale of the response has been revealing — not about me, but about the mood of ordinary Australians.
Across hundreds of replies, a clear pattern has emerged: people feel spoken down to, dismissed, and treated as though they cannot recognise bad‑faith debate when they see it. Yet Australians do know the standards of public life. They know what civility, fairness and reasoned disagreement look like, and they can feel how far our institutions have drifted from those expectations.
The frustration people are expressing isn’t partisan. It’s cultural. It reflects a deeper concern that the Western democratic traditions which shaped Australia — dignity in public office, restraint in debate, and respect for the citizen — are being forgotten.
The strength of the response shows that Australians haven’t abandoned those standards. They’re asking for their leaders to return to them.
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