Cde Trabablas

Opposition legislators have embraced #CAB3, showing that politics is no longer about blind resistance but about maturity. Their support reflects a readiness to scrutinize laws, weigh merits and demerits, and act in the national interest. This marks a shift from partisan reflexes to constructive participation, where decisions are guided by principle and the broader good of the country. #CAB3

"Zimbabwe’s political landscape is shifting beyond the old ruling party versus opposition divide. Some opposition legislators chose to back #CAB3 not out of party instruction but on their own judgement, showing a willingness to support measures they believe serve the national interest rather than rigid partisan positions," Political Analyst Cde Dereck Goto

The United African National Council (UANC) has welcomed Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3, saying it was long overdue. Party president Reverend Gwinyai Muzorewa argued that Zimbabwe’s leadership needs a longer electoral cycle to properly implement and complete developmental programmes. He stressed that extending the cycle would give government the time required to roll out long‑term initiatives and deliver sustainable progress without the constant disruption of elections.

🚨 Matinyarare’s Lies Exposed 🚨Advocate Simba Chitando has publicly dismantled @matinyarare Benson Matinyarare false claims, calling them “blatantly criminal.”According to Chitando, patriotic businessman Dr. KUDA TAGWIREI never owed Matinyarare anything. On the contrary, Dr. Tagwirei FUNDED the Zimbabwe Anti‑Sanctions Movement’s LEGAL challenge against US sanctions, covered their COSTS, and even provided Matinyarare with millions of rands, and living EXPENSES, DR Kuda Tagwirei stopped all the LEGAL funding after the STATE HOUSE IPhone smuggling incident. 👉 Bottom line: DR. TAGWIREI owed LIAR AND EXTORTIONIST Matinyarare absolutely NOTHING the EXTORTIONIST NARRATIVE COLLAPSES under the WEIGHT of TRUTH. #ZimbabwePolitics #Accountability #Patriotism @ZANUPF_Official @edmnangagwa @TateMavetera @TendaiChirau @dereckgoto @oczmk @ChinamasaPA @HonMachakaire @paultungwarara @KandishayaTaura @KMutisi @BaShonaBaShona

Ian Khama’s latest intrusion on Zimbabwe’s constitutional affairs deserves neither outrage nor surprise. It deserves dismissal. For years now, Khama has cultivated an image of a retired statesman roaming the region dispensing democratic wisdom. The reality is far less flattering. He increasingly resembles a politician unable to come to terms with his own diminished relevance, seeking visibility by commenting on countries whose internal dynamics he neither understands nor influences. His remarks on Zimbabwe’s constitutional amendment process are particularly revealing. They rest on a familiar paternalistic assumption: that millions of Zimbabweans, their elected representatives, Parliament, political parties, churches, traditional leaders, civic organisations and citizens are merely extras in a political drama directed by one individual. This is caricature. What makes Khama’s intervention even more ironic is that he governed Botswana through one of the most centralised presidencies in that country’s modern history. Under his tenure, Botswana witnessed repeated accusations of executive overreach, the growing securitisation of politics, bitter conflicts with political opponents and an increasingly personalised style of governance. The man now lecturing Zimbabwe about democracy spent years being criticised at home for precisely the tendencies he now claims to oppose abroad. Political scientists often warn against what is known as the “retired liberator syndrome” - the belief that former leaders retain a moral authority extending beyond the mandates they once held. Khama appears to have succumbed to it. He speaks as though sovereignty is negotiable when it belongs to others, but inviolable when it belongs to Botswana. His comparison of modern Zimbabwe to Rhodesia is perhaps the most intellectually bankrupt aspect of his commentary. Such a comparison does not merely distort history; it trivialises colonialism itself. Rhodesia was an explicitly racial state built upon the systematic exclusion of the African majority from political power. Independent Zimbabwe, whatever challenges it faces, is governed through institutions created and staffed by Africans and accountable to African voters. To conflate the two is not scholarship. It is propaganda. More fundamentally, Khama’s comments expose a contradiction that has increasingly defined sections of Africa’s former political elite. They celebrate democracy only when it produces outcomes they approve of. When citizens participate in consultations, when Parliament debates legislation, and when constitutional procedures are followed, they suddenly discover reasons why those outcomes are illegitimate. Democracy, in this worldview, is acceptable only when it delivers predetermined results. There is also a regional dimension worth noting. Botswana’s greatest leaders understood that influence in Southern Africa is earned through diplomacy, restraint and mutual respect. Khama’s father, Seretse Khama, built a reputation as a statesman precisely because he understood the difference between engagement and interference. His son increasingly appears determined to squander that legacy. The tragedy for Khama is that history is unlikely to remember him as Botswana’s great democratic guardian. It is more likely to remember him as a former president who left office and gradually transformed himself into a permanent opposition figure against liberation movements across the region. In doing so, he has become more relevant to Western editorial boards than to the ordinary citizens of Southern Africa whose interests he claims to champion. Zimbabwe’s constitutional future will not be decided in Gaborone, London, Brussels or Washington. It will be decided by Zimbabweans through Zimbabwean institutions. Khama’s approval is neither required nor particularly consequential. The real lesson from his latest outburst is not about Zimbabwe at all. It is about the growing tendency of retired leaders to mistake media attention for political relevance. Those are not the same thing. History is littered with former presidents who discovered that distinction too late. Ian Khama appears determined to join them.

@ZANUPF_Official National Spokesperson Ambassador Christopher Mutsvangwa has honoured the memory of the late Ambassador Victor Matemadanda, praising him as a steadfast patriot whose role in the liberation struggle and dedication to nation‑building will forever be part of Zimbabwe’s story. He noted that Cde Matemadanda’s values and the generations he inspired ensure his legacy continues to live on.

Former Botswana President Ian Khama’s remarks on Zimbabwe’s constitutional amendment are reckless, misleading and an intrusion into the sovereignty of a neighbouring state. His comments distort democratic processes, undermine empowerment programmes and attempt to delegitimise decisions made by Zimbabwean citizens through their institutions. The amendment was not the product of one man’s ambition. It originated from resolutions at the 22nd @ZANUPF_Official National People’s Conference in Mutare in 2025, followed by nationwide consultations and parliamentary debate. Citizens made submissions, and the Bill passed with the required two‑thirds majority. To dismiss this as “rigging and inducements” is a distortion of fact. Khama’s portrayal of empowerment programmes as bribery insults millions of Zimbabweans who have benefited from initiatives designed to improve livelihoods and expand opportunities. Development cannot be reduced to partisan narratives. His rhetoric increasingly mirrors Western agendas aimed at weakening liberation movements. Zimbabwe’s future is for Zimbabweans alone, and its sovereignty must be respected. Relations with Botswana have historically been cordial, and reckless commentary should not be allowed to strain these ties. Comparing independent Zimbabwe to colonial Rhodesia is both false and offensive, trivialising the sacrifices of the liberation struggle and ignoring the progress made since Independence. Zimbabwe remains committed to constitutionalism, democratic governance and the principle that national decisions are determined by its citizens. External attempts to delegitimise these processes will not succeed.

Zimbabwe and South Africa are partners in prosperity, not rivals. Efforts by groups like March and March to stir hostility ignore the reality of two economies that depend on each other. The mining sector shows this clearly: Zimplats, Unki and Mimosa supply concentrates and raw materials that feed South Africa’s refining, smelting and manufacturing industries, sustaining thousands of jobs in engineering, transport and processing. Any sudden halt in exports would ripple across South Africa’s industrial base. Economic interdependence is undeniable. Calls to expel Zimbabweans from South Africa overlook the mutual benefits of labour mobility, trade and investment. South Africa is one of Zimbabwe’s largest trading partners, while Zimbabwe provides a market worth billions for South African goods. Zimbabwean workers contribute skills and entrepreneurship, while South African firms invest heavily in Zimbabwe. The idea that either country can prosper in isolation is economically flawed and historically short sighted. Regional integration under SADC was built on the principle that neighbours are stronger together. Divisive rhetoric online may attract attention, but it does nothing to solve unemployment or inequality. Zimbabweans and South Africans share decades of political, cultural and economic ties, including solidarity during the liberation struggle. What the region needs is deeper cooperation, industrial partnerships, beneficiation, infrastructure development and job creation. The future of Southern Africa lies in unity, not xenophobia. Zimbabwe and South Africa need each other, and attempts to pit the two peoples against one another undermine the shared prosperity of the region.

This Tuesday, the Senate takes up Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3. Senators will tackle the final sticking points - extending the national election cycle to seven years and shifting presidential selection from a direct vote to a parliamentary process. After debate, the chamber moves to a decisive ballot. It must secure a two‑thirds majority, meaning at least 54 of the 80 senators must back it. #CAB3

This coming weekend we gather for Cell Day meetings across Zimbabwe.

27 June - Munhu Wese kuCell Kwake. Join ZANU-PF today!

The Zimbabwe is Open for Business framework has paid massive dividends, with scores of foreign investors flocking to the country to invest in various sectors. To that end, Zimbabwe’s lithium sector has attracted more than US$3.4 billion in investment. This also coincides with the government’s decision to ban the export of raw minerals. This is a big win for Zimbabwe, as it is set to create thousands of new jobs and generate more foreign currency. The country is also poised to become a leading producer of electric vehicles, machinery, and lithium batteries, to mention just a few.

Simba Chitando’s video statement changes the frame. As ZASM’s co‑director and legal strategist, his proximity gives weight. He says government never funded ZASM, collapsing the claim that Matinyarare was on a state mandate. Anti‑sanctions work has always been broad -churches, diplomats, citizens & not one outfit. See video for more infor.

Following the National Assembly passage, #CAB3 has been transmitted to the Senate. It is now awaiting debate and consideration. #CAB3

The Constitutional Court has dismissed former Binga North legislator Prince Dubeko Sibanda’s challenge to the Constitution Amendment No. 3 Bill, ruling it was filed prematurely and thereby removing immediate legal obstacles. The amendment seeks to extend President Dr @edmnangagwa tenure and overhaul Zimbabwe’s electoral system, and with this ruling the way has been cleared for him to remain in office until 2030. #CAB3

From National Assembly to Senate, the chorus is the same. The bill carries consensus, its UNSTOPPABLE! #CAB3

In every democracy, citizens have the right to support initiatives that strengthen their nation. In the US, billionaires often fund campaigns and social programs as civic duty. Zimbabwe’s business leaders are no different. Dr Kudakwashe Tagwirei, Sir @wicknellchivayo, and Dr @paultungwarara have backed Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 not to buy votes, but to contribute as responsible citizens determined to see Zimbabwe thrive. Their resources and networks are fortifying national projects and empowering communities. Critics, however, reveal a double standard. Foreign aid is welcomed and celebrated, yet when local entrepreneurs invest in their own country, the same gesture is cast as manipulation. This stems from Zimbabwe’s political culture, scarred by mistrust and inequality, where visible wealth is easily misread as influence‑buying. Opposition voices frame business support as collusion, ignoring the patriotic intent behind it. But patriotism must not be mistaken for patronage. Support for #CAB3 is a declaration that progress is not the duty of government alone, but of every citizen with the means to contribute. Zimbabwean entrepreneurs deserve recognition for investing in their nation’s future.

KEY CAB3 AMENDMENTS ADOPTED BY PARLIAMENT • The Zimbabwe Gender Commission (ZGC) will remain an independent constitutional commission after Parliament rejected proposals to abolish it and merge its functions with another body. • The President will appoint 10 Senators based on professional expertise and competence, following consultation with Parliament. These Senators will retain full voting rights. • The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) will oversee the election of a President by Parliament, replacing the earlier provision that assigned this role to a designated judge. • A new position of President of the Supreme Court will be established alongside the existing office of the Judge President. • Judicial reforms will permit qualified legal practitioners, in addition to retired judges, to be appointed as acting judges where necessary. • The Zimbabwe Delimitation Commission will be strengthened through the inclusion of a demographer, a cartographer, and a representative from the Chiefs Council on its board. • The national population census cycle will be extended from 10 years to 14 years. • The constitutional function of the Defence Forces to uphold the Constitution will be retained, subject to the provisions of Sections 207 and 208 governing the security sector. • The tenure of both the National Assembly of Chiefs and Provincial Assemblies of Chiefs will be aligned with the proposed extension of the electoral cycle from five years to seven years. #CAB3