faustine areu

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faustine areu

faustine areu

@faustineareu

Inscrit le Mayıs 2012
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Nicholas Fabiano, MD
Nicholas Fabiano, MD@NTFabiano·
Skipping breakfast is associated with an increased odds of depression.
Nicholas Fabiano, MD tweet media
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faustine areu
faustine areu@faustineareu·
@MosesMpora1 @HustleKing01 As an African, we are violent. All violent wars are in Africa. Why would accept guns to kill your Brothers and sisters? Has anyone forced you to kill your people?
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Paul Owor
Paul Owor@HustleKing01·
I admire the American system , I am ready to join the American Air Force. You will never fly alone
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Tommy Lee Uganda
Tommy Lee Uganda@TommyLeeUganda·
I'm Richer Than Bebe Cool. Eddy Kenzo Shows Off His Multi Million Dairy Farm
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James Onen | FATBOY
James Onen | FATBOY@jamesonen·
I saw it, lived it. Age 6-11 years I taking the train home from school - often switching trains to get to my stop. Thousands of people on the trains and at the stations and not an ounce of fear. I look back on this and think wow its like I was in another universe. In Uganda you can't even send your kid to daycare and feel safe.
The Best@Thebestfigen

Japan is that country where elementary school children walk to school alone without any fear of anything bad happening to them. A thousand light-years ahead of the rest of the world…

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faustine areu
faustine areu@faustineareu·
@jamesonen South Africans seem entitled, majority of them believe in witchcraft that why most Ugandans are rich there. It tells a lot about their education.
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James Onen | FATBOY
James Onen | FATBOY@jamesonen·
I can't believe you would compare 70 years of British Administration of Uganda (which ended in 1962) to 400 years of white *settlement* in South Africa, and white rule until 1994. Whites in SA even today own 80% of arable farmland, 70% of corporate and mining interests. 4,500,000 whites live in SA as citizens (whose families have lived and invested there for generations) compared to 3000 British living in Uganda today (majority are non citizens). Even during colonialism their numbers did not exceed 12000 in total. Yeah if the British were here for 400 years over several generations, had a population in the millions, controlled the government till 1994, and to this day controlled our entire economy - our country might have looked like yours today. Probably even better. Hahahaha See, I can at least concede this reality. You guys on the other hand are delusional, and think black South Africans are somehow more uniquely talented than other Africans and that this explains why your country is more developed than the rest of our countries across the continent. Nope. It's white settlement, white rule till the mid 90s, and present day white control of your economy.
koketso@Awande277

@jamesonen The where white people in Uganda just like in south africa we where all colonized. This white people built Sa bullshit is not working why did they not build uganda?????????

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TOKO
TOKO@GodwinTOKO·
Habibi, if I were in charge of govt, I’d disband the vanity fair called @KiiraMotors, get in touch with the company producing these simple tractors from China, and redirect the funds from Kiira EV, and all funds from PDM into mass-producing these. Then sell them to Ugandan farmers at a very affordable price - cheaper than a boda - to make them available, & affordable to as many farmers as possible. For an agricultural nation already earning billions of dollars from coffee exports, these things, in hands of hundreds of tens or hundreds of thousands of our farmers would see our exports skyrocket within a decade. If done well, Ugandans would make a lot of money in exports, and many more people would see reason to get into Agriculture - where we have a competitive advantage in the region. A whole department at @Makerere’s CEDAT would be dedicated to studying them. Every malfunction would be studied for months to improve them, and we’d invest in making their production ever cheaper. We’d even study different agricultural products and how to make them best adapted to their production. Rice, Matooke, cotton, sugar cane etc. We’d also improve them based on terrain, one model would be great for the hills of Kapchorwa, another for the dry areas of Karamoja, another for the cold hills of Kabale. With time, we’d be exporting these to Kenya, Tanzania, DRC etc and earning extra billions in Forex in addition to agricultural exports. In twenty or so years, we’d have the money, expertise, and technical knowledge to make bigger tractors, even the kind adapted for making our roads, and building serious projects in Uganda. Who knows, maybe we can then get to a point of making electric buses from Scratch in 50 years when we can ably compete with Isuzu, Scania, and others. After all, every single car company started very small - something Kiira EV wants us to believe it will not do, then compete even when almost all Auditor General reports show it is nothing but a thorn on the side of taxpayers. A big, white elephant.
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Moses Hassim Magogo
Moses Hassim Magogo@MosesMagogo·
I am a member of parliament and an engineer by profession I have experienced first hand the issues the author is raising I sat in a budget committee meeting when the ministry of innovation, science and technology presented a proposal for Uganda to place a satellite into space and drama was between the presenters and the interrogators committee members all not understanding the right questions neither the right answers @aitajoel you have really spoken my mind
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Joel JAFFER Aita
Joel JAFFER Aita@aitajoel·
ENGINEERS IN COMMAND: Why Uganda’s Vision 2040 Demands Technical Leadership By Joel Aita There is a question that rarely gets asked in Uganda’s political conversations, yet it may be the most consequential one of our times: Who should govern a nation that has chosen to transform itself through infrastructure, industrialization, and technology? Uganda Vision 2040 sets out an audacious ambition to lift the country from a low-income, peasant economy to an upper-middle-income nation with a per capita income of $9,500 within a single generation. The roadmap is technical in its very bones. Its six priority pillars infrastructure (energy, transport, water, oil and gas, and ICT), science and innovation, land use, urbanization, human resource development, and security are, at their core, engineering problems. They demand not just political will, but technical comprehension at the highest levels of decision-making. Yet the people most responsible for delivering this vision, cabinet ministers, permanent secretaries, local government chairpersons and mayors, district technical staff are overwhelmingly trained in law, political science, public administration, some District and City Councilors hardly completed Secondary Education, Majority MPs are Senior Six leavers some who performed so badly that they could proceed for higher education. We are asking career politicians to make trillion-shilling decisions about standard gauge railways, nuclear power plants, irrigation schemes, and smart cities. This is the structural contradiction at the heart of Uganda’s development challenge. China’s experience offers a compelling mirror. The Precedence: How China Engineered its Miracle When Deng Xiaoping launched China’s Reform and Opening in 1978, he made a deliberate and consequential decision: he moved engineers into critical government positions. His philosophy was direct — “science and technology are the primary productive forces.” Over the following two decades, technically trained professionals dominated the Communist Party’s leadership at every level. By the 15th and 16th Party Congresses in 1997 and 2002, all members of the Politburo Standing Committee the apex of Chinese power were engineers by training. Presidents Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping all studied engineering at elite universities. The result was not accidental. China built the world’s largest high-speed rail network, lifted 800 million people out of poverty, and became the world’s second-largest economy all within the span of one generation. When engineers sat at the policy table, decisions about infrastructure financing, industrial zones, and technology investment were made with technical rigor, not just political expediency. Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan pursued similar paths. Their political leadership combined ideological direction with technical education, producing governance systems that could read engineering feasibility studies, interrogate cost-benefit analyses, and hold contractors accountable. Uganda wants the same outcome. It has not yet made the same institutional decision. What Vision 2040 Actually Demands Let us be precise about what Uganda has committed to. Vision 2040 identifies flagship projects including: a hi-tech ICT city; large irrigation schemes across the country; five regional cities Gulu, Mbale, Jinja, Mbarara, and Arua to be developed to world-class standards; a standard gauge railway connecting Kampala to regional capitals and the sea at Mombasa; industrial Parks across Uganda; a 400kV electricity transmission network; a national fibre optic backbone; international referral hospitals in every regional city; and nuclear power connected to the national grid by 2031. Not one of these projects can be adequately designed, procured, supervised, or evaluated without deep engineering knowledge at the point of political authority. A minister who cannot read a geotechnical report cannot meaningfully interrogate why a road is failing. A district chairperson who does not understand hydrology cannot hold a water supply contractor accountable. A parliament that collectively lacks structural engineering literacy will continue to approve projects that collapse literally and financially. The gap between Vision 2040’s ambitions and Uganda’s current governance architecture is not primarily a funding gap. It is a technical comprehension gap. The Case for Engineer-Politicians for Uganda Placing engineers and technically trained professionals in political leadership does not mean replacing democracy with technocracy. It means enriching democratic governance with technical intelligence. The argument has several layers. First, infrastructure is Uganda’s primary development lever. An estimated 70% of Uganda’s Vision 2040 capital expenditure will flow into physical infrastructure. Every shilling of that investment passes through specifications, designs, bills of quantities, procurement processes, construction supervision, and asset management all of which are engineering functions. Political leaders who understand these functions are less susceptible to contractor capture, inflated variation orders, and the quiet corruption of technical ignorance. Second, Uganda’s resource endowments require technical stewardship. The Albertine Graben oil and gas reserves, the mineral wealth of Karamoja, the water resources of the Nile basin, the industrial development, the agricultural potential of the fertile crescent these are all technical assets. Their monetization requires leaders who understand petroleum engineering, mineral processing, hydraulic design, and agronomy. Third, the private sector demands technical interlocutors. As Uganda works to attract foreign direct investment into its energy, transport, and industrial sectors, investors increasingly expect governments whose technical ministries can hold intelligent conversations about bankability, engineering risk, and environmental compliance. Countries whose ministers can engage at that level close deals faster and on better terms. Fourth, Uganda’s local government system is hemorrhaging technical capacity. Under the decentralization framework, district and municipal governments are responsible for road maintenance, water systems, physical planning, and building regulation all technical mandates. Yet most elected local leaders have no technical background, and the technical staff they supervise are chronically underpaid, demoralized, and often bypassed. What This Looks Like in Practice The proposal is not utopian. It is operational and actionable. Uganda should consider a deliberate policy similar to China’s 1983 cadre recruitment reforms requiring that a defined percentage of appointed positions in technical ministries be held by professionals with relevant engineering or scientific qualifications. The Ministry of Works and Transport, the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development, the Ministry of Water and Environment, the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, and Minister of ICT should be led by people who understand what they are managing. At the parliamentary level, the Committee on Physical Infrastructure, the Committee on Natural Resources, and the Science and Technology Committee should be chaired by members with relevant technical backgrounds. Parliamentary scrutiny of infrastructure budgets, environmental impact assessments, and technology procurement would be fundamentally stronger. At the district level, the District Engineer currently a technical officer buried under a layer of elected officials with no technical mandate should be elevated in authority and salary, with clear lines of accountability that protect technical decisions from political interference. Uganda should pilot a system in which engineering professionals can run for technical leadership positions at district level on platforms anchored in infrastructure delivery, as has been done with partial success in Rwanda. The Uganda Institution of Professional Engineers (UIPE) and the Engineers Registration Board (ERB) already provide a credentialing infrastructure. What is missing is the political will to connect professional credentials to political and administrative authority. The Objection and the Answer The inevitable objection to this argument is that engineering training does not guarantee good governance. This is true. China itself has produced engineer-politicians who were corrupt, authoritarian, and catastrophically wrong. An engineering degree does not confer wisdom, integrity, or political accountability. But the argument is not that engineers are inherently better people. The argument is that Uganda’s specific development challenges — building $40 billion worth of infrastructure over 15 years, managing petroleum revenues, developing five regional cities, connecting rural Uganda to global markets require political leaders who can understand the technical dimensions of those challenges. The combination of technical competence and political accountability, not one at the expense of the other, is the ideal. Uganda has produced exceptional engineers. Many of them quietly, without recognition are doing the country’s most critical work: designing hospitals, supervising bridges, managing water systems, planning urban expansions. They are technically brilliant and politically invisible. Vision 2040 will not be built by invisible people. A Call to the Engineering Profession Uganda’s engineers must also reflect on their own role. For too long, the profession has accepted a subordinate political status executing decisions made by others, accepting underfunding without public challenge, and retreating into technical silos while politicians make consequential decisions above their heads. The engineering profession must claim its rightful place in Uganda’s public square. This means more engineers running for office. It means professional bodies like UIPE engaging louder and more consistently on infrastructure policy. It means engineering firms building thought leadership publishing, speaking, advocating not just building roads and waiting for the next tender. The Pearl of Africa is not short of gold. It is short of people in power who know how to mine it. Conclusion Uganda Vision 2040 declares the ambition to transform the country from a peasant economy to a modern, prosperous nation within 30 years. That transformation is, at its core, a technical project. It will be built in concrete, steel, fibre optic cable, industrial parks, irrigation channels, and power transmission lines. It will be financed through instruments that require technical due diligence. It will be evaluated through metrics that demand engineering accountability. China’s most productive decades of development were led by engineers. Singapore was built by a Prime Minister who understood urban systems. Rwanda’s infrastructure renaissance is driven by a government that reads engineering reports before it approves budgets. Uganda does not need to copy any of these models wholesale. But it must learn from their central insight: the quality of a nation’s infrastructure is ultimately a reflection of the technical intelligence of its governance. Vision 2040 is the map. Engineers must help drive the vehicle. Joel Aita is the CEO and Chairman of the Joadah Group, a multidisciplinary engineering and technology consultancy headquartered in Entebbe, Uganda.
Joel JAFFER Aita tweet media
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faustine areu
faustine areu@faustineareu·
@MosesMagogo @aitajoel But most of you carry titles and papers not knowledge! Look at our roads with all the money given , they look very bad and none of you care about the mess your colleagues have brought.
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James Onen | FATBOY
James Onen | FATBOY@jamesonen·
Pan Africanism is the most retarded and useless political ideology in Africa.
James Onen | FATBOY tweet media
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Helena La ShowGirl ❤️‍🔥
Helena La ShowGirl ❤️‍🔥@nikita_helene·
@Sherrytums it's even much worse... that number (12m) is an understatement the report they're talking about says 53% are multi-dimensionally poor. so basically, about 25m so... about 2 in 4 people
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faustine areu
faustine areu@faustineareu·
@nikita_helene I will spend 12 years achieving that . I made the first deposit of 5m, saving everyday 10k , topping 150k every end of the month then adding 2.5m at the end of the year at 12% interest.Compounding will do the heavy lifting for me . Please do the MATHS. AS SIMPLE AS THAT.
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Fabrizio Romano
Fabrizio Romano@FabrizioRomano·
🚨💣 BREAKING: Mo Salah has decided to LEAVE LIVERPOOL in June, at the end of the current season.
Fabrizio Romano tweet media
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faustine areu
faustine areu@faustineareu·
@DenisDukeUG By Uganda law , it's only lc2 mandated to deal with land transactions. Lc1 is supposed to be a witness.
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Denis Duke Woniala🇺🇬
Denis Duke Woniala🇺🇬@DenisDukeUG·
Yesterday I almost learned a very expensive lesson about property transactions in Kampala. While buying property in Kawempe, the LC1 chairperson who had helped confirm ownership & draft the agreement insisted that he was entitled to a minimum 5% of the value of the property (80M), which gives him about 4 million shillings. Since there were sufficient documentation about ownership such as copies of previous sales agreement (from the deceased), letter of administration (high Court family division), title from BLB, copy of the will, consent letter from family of the deceased through their lawyer and immediate neighbors willing to witness, we felt the 5% charge by the LC1 was really unfair. On top of LC1 there were land brokers and other people to settle. Both the seller and I felt this was excessive, tried to negotiate and offered to facilitate his office with a modest amount, of about 1M, but he declined and walked away. We later completed the transaction through a lawyer (legal firm), and that’s when we learned something important: Under Ugandan law, an LC1 chairperson is not entitled to any percentage of the value of property being sold(0%). Their role is mainly administrative, witnessing, writing introduction letters, or confirming residence and any fee is normally small and fixed, not a commission. This experience reminded me of a few things: 1. Always verify the law before agreeing to payments that “everyone says are normal.” 2• When dealing with land or property, involve a qualified lawyer and ensure proper documentation is availed & verified 3• Sometimes the difference between losing money and protecting it is simply asking questions. I'm quite sure that majority of you didn't know what the law speaks about LC1 and their role/entitlement during sale of property. Anyways Let’s keep sharing information and educating one another. Knowledge is not just power, it is also protection. Shared one Social Media user. What are your views on this,,,,????
Denis Duke Woniala🇺🇬 tweet media
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Amal Saad
Amal Saad@amalsaad_lb·
The killing of Ali Larijani, like that of Ali Khamenei before him, is best understood as an instance of strategic martyrdom, a dynamic that exposes the fundamental irrationality of Israel’s and the US’ continued reliance on decapitation strategies, especially given their repeated historical failure. The decapitation-attrition-invasion playbook that the US and Israel keep drawing from reveals systems locked into a familiar repertoire of counterproductive violence that have consistently failed to adapt to reality. This failure is so glaring that even Trump acknowledged it, when he recently admitted that the US attacked Iran "out of habit." The underlying premise is that by removing senior leaders, the system they sustain will weaken and/or fragment. Yet this assumption reflects a narrow instrumentalist rationality in which leadership survival is treated as the paramount strategic objective and the threat of death is presumed to function as an effective form of coercion. But Iran operates from a value-strategic rationality whereby martyrdom itself can perform important political work and generate strategic effects that not merely resist but reverse the intended consequences of assassination. That Larijani attended the mass rally and made statements openly embracing the possibility of martyrdom before his death only underscores how consciously this logic is adopted by those who bear its consequences, a logic articulated most clearly by Khamenei himself, who declared that “either we are martyred on this path, whose honour is eternal, or we achieve victory; both are victories for us.” By transforming assassinated figures into sacred symbols of justice and resistance, in the tradition of Imam Hussein at Karbala, martyrdom converts the intended effects of decapitation into a strategy that successfully mobilises collective resolve, legitimises the political order, and regenerates both the system's continuity and its societal resilience. In short, strategic martyrdom ultimately contributes to deterrence by regeneration, whereby repeated attempts at decapitation are subject to a law of diminishing returns as adversaries discover that killing leaders neither fractures the system nor compels submission but instead contributes to its consolidation.
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