Son of Dimitri Tsafendas ๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ

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Son of Dimitri Tsafendas ๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ

Son of Dimitri Tsafendas ๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ

@tebzen_

Papa| A fanatic of football @Arsenal @KaizerChiefs @realmadrid (I represent no organization)

Soweto, South Africa ๊ฐ€์ž…์ผ Eylรผl 2010
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Phumlani M. Majozi
Phumlani M. Majozi@PhumlaniMMajoziยท
Iโ€™ve noticed that some of my social media followers are supremacists. I have zero interest in supremacists. My mission is focused on advocacy for free markets, stronger families, and the rule of law. If you are a supremacist, I suggest you stay away from my content. Thanks for your attention. #economics #politics
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Brand Suid Afrika
Brand Suid Afrika@BrandSuidAfrikaยท
South Africa is the last thing on the list of priorities for @elonmusk, you clown. He provides an option that could uplift millions in this country, and is met by thousands of dumbasses like you wanting a paycheck to operate. The only one losing is your community.
Nkosiyethu Dingiswayo๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ@McKay_Dingis024

Why does Elon Musk want to operate in South Africa so bad ?! Namibia recently rejected him just a week ago. He didn't say anything. Now he's letting his anger out on us?

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Rod MacPhail
Rod MacPhail@rodcampsbayยท
My argument is simple. Two wrongs donโ€™t make a right. The CODESA agreement was to remove apartheid from the statute books, and never again reinstate it. Cloaking apartheid as BBBEE is just as evil as whites only apartheid. But much of the unfairness lands on the shoulders of Blacks. Skilled white children leave the country (both of mine are overseas) and that is a massive brain drain on the country. Investors wonโ€™t invest because of BBBEE and draconian labour laws and shaky property rights and high taxes. The ANC is looting the country with unjust laws and outright theft. Thatโ€™s why 42% of South Africans are jobless.
MUFC@Brunos_MUFC

@rodcampsbay Itโ€™s astonishing how you have ZERO self awareness based on your tweet and your bio. Also, you wouldnโ€™t know anything about suffering under apartheid. BEE is to rectify the ills of apartheid, yet you believe apartheid is back in full swing?๐Ÿ˜‚ are you carrying a dompass? Idiot ๐Ÿ˜‚

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Son of Dimitri Tsafendas ๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ
@PhumlaniMMajozi You are just a dummy that gets told what to tweet, we know you have handlers to please so we don't expect much from you anyway, there were always askaris in the revolution, no pressure on you resident dummy.
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Phumlani M. Majozi
Phumlani M. Majozi@PhumlaniMMajoziยท
Some South Africans think Iโ€™m anti-China. Iโ€™m not anti-China. Iโ€™ve said positive things about China before. My issue has been President Xi Jinping, and I also have an issue with Chinaโ€™s cheating in international trade. I wrote about it last year. #economy #markets #macro
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Son of Dimitri Tsafendas ๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ
@PieterVand37940 Soon to be hobos, the orange man is hemorrhaging money out of his country because of a foreign puppet master and you think he still cares about you? He proposed budget cuts for social security which feeds and houses you๐Ÿคฃ
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Pieter van der Walt
Pieter van der Walt@PieterVand37940ยท
I prefer the name "Amerikaner" rather. America is my country now. I will fight for America, for Americans. I, like my people coming to America are fully committed to the country our God has sent us to. God bless America and all who lives in it! ๐Ÿ™
Pieter van der Walt tweet media
G2 Precision, LLC@G2Precision

@PieterVand37940 Youโ€™re an actual African-American. ๐Ÿ˜‚

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Son of Dimitri Tsafendas ๐Ÿ‡ฟ๐Ÿ‡ฆ
I'm assuming this is your scorched earth approach?
Nicole Barlow@Nicole_Barlow1

Hear Ye, Hear Ye: The court of jesters and the collapse of political gravitas in South Africa There was a time when political leadership, however flawed, at least carried the weight of responsibility. Today, South Africaโ€™s political stage increasingly resembles something far less dignified, a theatre of spectacle, stunts, and performative outrage. The court is full, the jesters are loud, and yet the kingdom itself is quietly fraying. What passes for political engagement in modern South Africa too often veers into absurdity. Public figures, entrusted with navigating one of the most complex socio-economic landscapes in the world, appear instead to compete for attention through antics that blur the line between activism and performance art. Whether it is symbolic gestures designed more for viral appeal than structural change, or inflammatory rhetoric crafted for maximum outrage, the result is the same: a politics that feels hollow, unserious, and detached from the lived reality of ordinary citizens. Take the phenomenon of political stunt-making. When leaders resort to theatrical displays - whether wading into potholes or staging exaggerated demonstrations - the intention may be to highlight infrastructure decay or service delivery failures. Yet the execution often undermines the message. It risks trivialising deeply entrenched problems by reducing them to moments of spectacle. The country does not lack awareness of its challenges; what it lacks is consistent, credible action. When symbolism replaces substance, public trust erodes further. Then there is the politics of provocation. Julius Malema represents a style of leadership built on confrontation, racial tension, and calculated outrage. His rhetoric often taps into genuine historical grievances and ongoing inequalities, but it does so in a way that can deepen division rather than resolve it. The use of social media as a battleground, posting private communications as supposed โ€œgotchaโ€ moments, reflects a broader shift toward politics as spectacle. Instead of fostering dialogue or accountability, such actions risk reducing complex issues to simplified narratives designed for applause from desperate supporters. A critical analysis of Malemaโ€™s approach reveals a paradox. On one hand, he articulates frustrations that many South Africans feel about inequality, land, and economic exclusion. On the other hand, his methods often prioritise visibility over viability. Provocation may mobilise attention, but it does not build institutions, nor does it create sustainable solutions. In this sense, the performance overshadows the policy. Helen Zille, meanwhile, embodies a different but equally contentious political style. Known for her sharp commentary and willingness to provoke debate, she often positions herself as a defender of โ€œliberalโ€ principles and governance standards. Yet her communication style has frequently drawn criticism for insensitivity, particularly on issues of race and historical context. Her attempts at activism-through-stunt - however well-intentioned - can come across as tone-deaf, reinforcing perceptions of disconnect rather than empathy. Zilleโ€™s strength lies in her administrative experience and her emphasis on governance. However, her public persona sometimes undermines these strengths. In a country run by a criminal cartel that has caused untold suffering for all citizens, messaging matters. When communication alienates rather than unites, it limits the ability to build broader coalitions for change. Then there is Gayton McKenzie, whose political trajectory adds another layer to this unfolding drama. His past, marked by criminality, is itself a story of redemption in the eyes of some supporters. Yet his current political conduct raises difficult questions. When political figures engage with deeply sensitive issues, such as the disappearance of a child in a context shadowed by the horrors of the muti trade, they carry a profound responsibility. Exploiting such tragedies for political gain, or appearing to do so, crosses a moral line that should be inviolable. The use of human suffering as a political tool is perhaps the clearest indication of how far the discourse has drifted. It reflects a system where outrage is currency, and where the line between advocacy and opportunism becomes dangerously blurred. What ties these figures together is not ideology but method. Across the spectrum, there is a growing reliance on spectacle, provocation, and personality-driven politics. This is not unique to South Africa; it mirrors global trends, but its consequences are particularly acute in a country facing structural inequality, unemployment, and institutional strain. The tragedy is that while politicians perform, the underlying crises deepen. Infrastructure continues to deteriorate. Communities remain vulnerable. Economic opportunities remain unevenly distributed. And in the background, a sense of national fatigue grows - a quiet recognition that the noise of the political stage is not matched by meaningful progress. โ€œHere ye, here ye, all the jesters in court - the King is coming.โ€ The phrase evokes a reckoning, a moment when performance must give way to accountability. Whether that โ€œKingโ€ is the electorate, a new generation of leaders, or a collective awakening among citizens remains to be seen. But the sentiment captures a truth: the current trajectory is unsustainable. South Africa does not need more spectacles. It needs ethics, integrity, and leadership willing to engage with complexity rather than reduce it to slogans or stunts. Until then, the court will remain full of jesters, and the kingdom will continue to pay the price.

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Nicole Barlow
Nicole Barlow@Nicole_Barlow1ยท
From interdict to arrest - a case study in judicial overreach. Let me begin by noting that my experience with the South African courts has, overall, been positive. Over the years, I have been involved in several matters, both as applicant and as respondent, and the outcomes have generally been favourable. This, I believe, is not merely coincidental. Where I have initiated proceedings, I have done so with careful consideration of the merits, and where I have defended matters, I have ensured that I was supported by capable legal representation, the aforementioned, combined with enlightened Judges, secured my fortunes. I have also, despite ultimately prevailing, been subjected to what I regard as malicious and vexatious litigation, by parties who appear to believe that financial strength entitles them to exert pressure on those in a comparatively weaker position. A clear example in my own experience is @bp_SouthAfricaโ€™s proxy, Petro-Props, which instituted proceedings against me on three separate occasions, succeeding only once thanks to that pusillanimous Judge Claassens. That interim judgement, however, later proved consequential in ways that extended beyond the immediate dispute. Experiences such as these have made me particularly alert to the risks posed by flawed judicial decisions and underscore the importance of subjecting such rulings to scrutiny, whether through review or rescission, where appropriate. Courts are not infallible, and though a strong legal system exists precisely because decisions can be revisited, corrected, or overturned, there are times when judicial errors result in such serious consequences that they damage the credibility of the institution itself. The danger is not just in being wrong, but in being wrong in a way that causes immediate and disproportionate harm before corrective measures can intervene. In the case involving Tumi Sole vs Bafana Surprise Mathebula, granting an urgent interdict for defamation - despite the apparent removal of the offending material - raises significant questions about judicial scrutiny and procedural rigour. Urgency, by its nature, requires clear and ongoing harm; invoking it when the alleged harm had arguably already ceased suggests a troubling lowering of that standard. Even more concerning is what happened afterwards: before the respondent had been given the full opportunity, as required by the Uniform Rules of Court, to challenge or respond to the order, the applicant escalated the matter into an urgent contempt application and a warrant of arrest. Such procedural haste risks turning the courts from arbiters of justice into tools of coercion. When legal processes are used in this way, it not only undermines fairness between parties but also damages public confidence, reinforcing the perception that the system can be exploited to devastating effect.
Nicole Barlow tweet mediaNicole Barlow tweet media
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RaiZel
RaiZel@landbourainierยท
๐ŸšจWhite Farmers in South Africa Live In Constant Fearโ€ผ๏ธ Every night, terror lingers. We barricade our children behind: Electric fencing Guard dogs Alarms and CCTV Armed patrols Burglar bars and steel doors Loaded guns by our beds we lie awake, hearts pounding, one eye open, praying no one comes for our family. No child should grow up like this. No parent should live in constant fear โ€ผ๏ธ This is not normal life in South Africa. It is a daily nightmare for farming families. When will our childrenโ€™s safety finally matterโ‰๏ธ
RaiZel tweet mediaRaiZel tweet mediaRaiZel tweet mediaRaiZel tweet media
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Rod MacPhail
Rod MacPhail@rodcampsbayยท
Namibia, with a population of about 50% of Cape Town, wants to fine foreign investors 51% of their investment, for the privilege of investing in the country! Now that sounds like a really smart idea. No wonder Africa is the backwater continent.
Sarah-Leigh Elago@GeniusLeigh

In Namibia, the law is very clear, 51% MUST be owned by LOCALS! We donโ€™t care who you are. Comply or pack up! Finish! Starlink this, Starlink that! Tell Elon Musk that itโ€™s very simple! Whether his is to spy on us or not, thatโ€™s NOT the bone of contention. Itโ€™s the 51%! Finish!

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WilliamMunny
WilliamMunny@WilliamMun37054ยท
@TruthFairy131 Well letโ€™s we do this, we return Africa to exactly how it was pre colonial, that means we end all food and medical aid and see what happens. They say all their problems stem from colonialism? Well letโ€™s test that hypothesis, we give them what they want.
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Lozzy B ๐Ÿ‡ฆ๐Ÿ‡บ๐•
Lozzy B ๐Ÿ‡ฆ๐Ÿ‡บ๐•@TruthFairy131ยท
Wow & Whites are called โ€˜racistโ€™ Whites built South Africa before the Black Zuluโ€™s arrived in the area. There was nothing there prior & now they want to claim it all & kill the Whites. This is what happens when White people become a minority.
Lozzy B ๐Ÿ‡ฆ๐Ÿ‡บ๐• tweet media
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