The Atiku Movement

Late Buhari ran for the presidency three times and won on the fourth, 2003, 2007, 2011 and 2015. Atiku also run three times and will surely win on the fourth, 2007, 2019, 2023, and come 2027 he'll win the election 🤲. If Atiku is desperate then Buhari, Obi, kwankwaso, Saraki and others are also desperate.

Safe trip national Daddy🤲🏽🇳🇬

We wish our National Daddy a safe trip

Today, His Excellency, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, GCON, visited the African Medical Centre of Excellence (AMCE), which is in partnership with King’s College London.

ADC’s Atiku Abubakar Holds the Key to Victory In The 2027 Presidential Race; The Only Political Heavyweight Standing Firm. Last Tuesday's defection of 17 House of Representatives Members from the African Democratic Congress, ADC, to the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, sent shockwaves through Nigeria's opposition landscape, at least to some groups. Pundits wasted no time to say that the "ADC is finished". However, the story skipped the most enduring player in Nigeria’s politics, Atiku Abubakar. Underestimating such a consistent political heavyweight in this fractured field is not just shortsighted, it is dangerous to any opposing political party. You may recall, that Atiku has navigated these storms before, emerging stronger each time. Back in 2006, after a bitter fallout with the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, establishment, he did not fade away; he instead, founded the Action Congress, AC, turning it into a national political force that challenged the ruling party at the time in key States. Fast-forward to 2014: Dumped by the PDP again over zoning disputes, Atiku played a pivotal role in the historic All Progressives Congress, APC, merger, and greatly contributed to Buhari's 2015 Presidential election victory. In November 2025, he left the PDP for a third time, joining the ADC, six months before Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso began their NDC flirtations. Each crisis has honed Atiku’s instincts; when the political tide recedes, he consistently finds higher grounds. This is not blind loyalty to a man, it is respect for a pattern of reinvention. Defections make headlines, but they do not dismantle machines. Atiku brought more than a name to the ADC; he imported the Peoples Democratic Movement, PDM, the formidable network originally built by Shehu Yar’Adua, in the 1990s. This is not some paper structure; it is a web of very relevant former Governors, ex-Ministers, Senatorial District Coordinators and thousands of grassroots mobilisers embedded from Jada Ward 1, in Adamawa State, to Local Government Secretariats in Kano State and beyond. Take note that when those 17 Reps. Members walked out of the ADC, the PDM powerful force stayed. The ADC did not merely gain a high-profile Candidate; it acquired a party within a party, loyal first to Atiku. In Nigeria’s politics, where loyalty often trumps ideology, this gives him an edge that fresh Coalitions envy. It is also worthy to note that timing is everything in Coalition chess, and the May 30, 2026, general elections timeline favours the early movers. Recall, that ADC's primaries now kick-off on May 23, and Atiku is already on the ground with less distractions, forms stamped, Delegates wined and dined. The NDC and its newcomers cannot dare to say the same; primaries unscheduled, with Obi and Kwankwaso still haggling over tickets in smoke-filled rooms. Atiku's war chest, bolstered by decades of business savvy, funds the logistics: Delegate shuttles from Sokoto, voters’ cards in Enugu, town halls in Benin. History shows that Coalition politics rewards preparation, and the 2015 APC win proved it, that the man with the calendar, cash and consensus, wins. Even Atiku's critics unwittingly crown him “Kingmaker”. Buba Galadima, the fiery Northern Elder, recently warned: “If Atiku refuses to join NDC, he will be held responsible” for a divided opposition. It is a backhanded admission: only Atiku commands the broad tent from Southern progressives to Northern kingmakers, that a unified challenge demand. In a field splintered by ADC holdouts, NDC Aspirants, lingering Labour Party, LP, faithful and a vulnerable APC, his "serial contender" label becomes a strength. You do not fault the one man who could stitch it together, unless you believe he holds the key to victory. Finally, Nigeria’s elections are not decided on X or any other social media platform; outrage or viral memes are won by loyalty; Ward Chairmen and Youth Leaders remember Atiku not as a headline, but as the benefactor who funded their borehole in 2003, or their Mosques in 2010. In polls like the latest Net Operating Income, NOI, survey, his secondary name recognition towers over newcomers, especially in the North, where Delegates math could deliver 40%+ of votes. A fractured field amplifies this: Voters default to the known quantity amid chaos. Underestimate Atiku Abubakar at your own peril, but remember, it led to PDP's 2019 misstep and 2023 stumble. The tide beats against ADC today, but tides always turn and when they do, it is the Waziri Adamawa, with his unmatched depth and instincts, who knows exactly where the deep water lies. The real danger is not Atiku's third act; it is ignoring the man who has scripted so many twists before.

The Bottom Line Nigeria does not need more political tourism or nomadic movements. It needs commitment, consistency, and character. Let others chase platforms that bend easily. ADC, the only credible alternative, must remain a platform that stands firmly. Stay focused. Stay disciplined. Expand.

Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s Political Structure Is Built on Blatant Lies, Betrayals and Conflicts. Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso’s persistent party switching and ideological frequent movements across political parties over the years, from been affiliated with the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, All Progressives Congress, APC, New Nigeria Peoples Party, NNPP, African Democratic Congress, ADC, and most recently, Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, has left many Nigerians to greatly question his true character and what he actually stands for. His rather opportunistic political stance over the years, have further raised concerns about his consistency in representing the North, or even Nigerians at large. One could also term Kwankwaso’s political structure, the Kwankwasiyya Movement, as only a personalised political structure, which solely prioritises loyalty to an individual over Institutions or the citizens of Nigeria, who continue to seek for great Leaders that care beyond self. Kwankwaso from his political moves seems to encourage “godfatherism", weaken democracy within parties; with many widely describing him as a “Political Saboteur”. His political structure is built on conflicts and crisis, and his political relationships often end in conflicts, which is a horrible trait for a Leader in any capacity. You may recall his fallout with his former Ally, Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, a former Governor of Kano State, which led to prolonged political hostility in the State. Also, tensions within his former political party, the NNPP, with disputes involving proteges, including allegations of anti-party activities. These have led many Nigerians, especially in Kano State where he comes from, to describe him as an inconsistent Politician. These recurring disputes and his refusal to stand for something visibly clear and noteworthy, raise questions about his ability to build long lasting alliances, a key requirement for regional political stability in the country. Furthermore, his allegations of interference in governance processes in recent developments, as well as civic groups, is a clear indication of him seeking to remain influential, causing political chaos and unrest in the system. When it comes to regional influence and national impact, Kwankwaso’s national electoral performance has been very limited in the past elections. In the 2023 Presidential election, he placed fourth with a modest vote shared. His influence is regionally concentrated, and not nationally transformative; while his political approach only prioritises local dominance, over broader Northern cohesion. His political trajectory reflects fluid loyalty, a personally-driven politics with frequent internal conflicts. Kwankwaso is mostly seen as a Leader without adaptability, and an inconsistent Politician with no vision; and is therefore, not qualified to hold the position of President or even Vice President of Nigeria, come 2027 and beyond.

Peter Obi Is Not A True Democrat, Refuses To Stand For Freedom Of Speech; Him And His “Terroristic” Obidients Could Completely Destroy Our Democracy, If Allowed Near The Aso Rock Presidential Villa. Peter Obi, since he was brought into national politics in 2018, by former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, as his running mate in the Presidential election under the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, has been widely regarded as a calm, measured and disciplined political figure. His perceived personal demeanor earned him a reputation as a gentleman in Nigeria’s often heated political space. However, taking a deep look beyond his portrayed public personal traits, and considering seriously the “terroristic” public actions and reactions of his supporters, the Obidients, the question raises: “Does Obi’s political environment reflect true democratic values?” Democracy thrives on key principles, with Freedom of Speech standing very tall. In a truly democratic setting, citizens must feel safe to express differing opinions, and associate with anybody, without fear of intimidation, harassment or backlash. That is what Democracy is, and that is what Peter Obi and his supporters do not practice, if the truth must be told. It is either their way, or no way; that is terroristic behaviour, which is bad for our already fractured Democracy. In notably the ongoing build-up to the 2027 Presidential election, a growing concern among many Nigerians, is the conduct of a large number of the Obidients, particularly on the social media. The social media platforms, especially X, are most times flooded with aggressive rhetoric, personal attacks, and even threats directed at Nigerians who hold opposing views from them, with no single record of Peter Obi at any time calling them to order, and teaching them the true Principles of Democracy. Obi’s support base, while passionate, have often been perceived as volatile. Their aggressive posture has led to frequent clashes, leaving out intellectual discussions and respectful disagreements to the background. Recall, that in 2022, Obi justified the radical approach of his supporters, on a television programme, in the buildup of the 2023 elections, stating that his supporters act that way, because they are angry and furious, without no word of caution. His exact words: "My followers and supporters known as Obidient Movement, are made up of Nigerians who are very angry and furious over the pitiable State of their country, and want an immediate change." This raises an uncomfortable, but necessary question: “Can a political movement be considered fully democratic, if dissenting voices feel silenced or attacked by its support base?” There is a popular saying: “Show me your friends, and I will tell you who you are.” While it may be unfair to judge a Leader entirely by the actions of their supporters, it is also true that Leadership sets the tone for engagement. The behaviour of followers, especially when persistent and widespread, inevitably reflects on the broader political culture surrounding a Candidate. Even more concerning is the projection of what such a dynamic could mean in governance at the Federal level. If intolerance is already perceived at the level of support, what assurances exist that it would not extend into Public Institutions, should Obi assume Office in 2027, or in Nigeria’s near future? Nigerians had previously raised concerns about restrictions on free speech during the administration of late President Muhammadu Buhari, and there is understandable hesitation about repeating or worsening such experiences under any future Federal Government. Another concern is the potential composition of Leadership under an Obi Presidency. Political appointments often draw from trusted Allies and loyal supporters. If a significant portion of that pool is perceived as intolerant of opposing views, it raises questions about how inclusive and open such a Federal Government might be in practice. If Peter Obi is to fully embody democratic ideals, then both his message and the conduct of his political movement must consistently reflect tolerance, openness and respect for diverse voices; something I doubt him and his supporters will ever be ready to practice. My advice to Nigerians is to take this persistent undemocratic conducts of Peter Obi’s support base into consideration, in choosing our next President, in order to save our already very fractured Democracy.

We move 🤝 #TheAtikuMovement

Who would you rather have as your president? #TheAtikuMovement

Do not get distracted; Nigeria must be rescued from Bola Tinubu and the APC. Atiku is ready! #TheAtikuMovement

it's just a matter of time⏳ #TheAtikuMovement

In the name of the Almighty God, the Most Compassionate and the Most Merciful. May @atiku Abubakar succeed 🤲

Kwankwasiyya Lied!!! True Facts on Atiku Abubakar’s Outstanding Records of Developmental Transformation in Not Just the Northern Region, But Nigeria At Large; Records That Still Benefit ALL Nigerians Today. Kwankwaso, popularly known as Kwankwasiyya, have questioned the developmental records of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the Waziri Adamawa, in Northern Nigeria. The intention appears to be to downplay Atiku’s developmental contributions across the North, and reposition him unfavourably before voters, ahead of the very important 2027 Presidential election. This response is not intended to engage in online rhetoric or political insults. It is however, a fact-based clarification grounded in verifiable records. We proceed to the facts below: A Record Rooted in Government, Not Memory Between 1999 and 2007, under President Olusegun Obasanjo, Atiku served as Vice President and chaired the National Economic Council, NEC, playing a central coordinating role in the National Economic Policy. During that period, Northern Nigeria saw a wave of infrastructure expansion. The Federal Medical Centre, in Yola, Adamawa State, was established, and remains a major referral Hospital in the region till date. The Yola Airport was upgraded to an International status, improving regional connectivity. Key road corridors such as Yola–Mubi, Ganye–Toungo and Jada routes, were developed or rehabilitated, improving movement of goods and people across Adamawa and neighbouring States. These are not claims in dispute, they are infrastructures that continue to function. Telecom Reform That Changed Everyday Life One of the most consequential reforms of that era was the liberalisation of Nigeria’s Telecommunication sector. According to Nigerian Communications Commission, NCC, data, mobile subscriptions have grown from under 500,000 active lines in the early 2000s, to over 200 million today. That transformation began with the GSM licensing process in the early 2000s under the Obasanjo/ Atiku administration. The impact is visible across every sector of the economy: banking, commerce, logistics, and the digital economy that now employs and feeds millions of Nigerians, especially the younger generations. Education Investment That Still Stands In 2005, Atiku established the now American University of Nigeria, AUN, in Adamawa State. Two decades later, it remains one of Northern Nigeria’s most established Private Universities, which is globally recognised; producing graduates, creating jobs, and attracting international academic partnerships. Alongside this, scholarship programmes across Adamawa’s Local Governments have supported indigent students, including vulnerable households affected by insecurity in the North-East region. UNICEF data continues to show Nigeria among countries with the highest number of out-of-school children globally, making sustained educational investment a national necessity, rather than a political talking point. Security and Community Response in Crisis Years During the height of the Boko Haram insurgency, particularly around 2013–2014, Local Civilian Defence networks became central to community resistance in the North-East. Reports from that period indicate that civic and private support helped strengthen the Civilian Joint Task Force, CJTF, which worked alongside the Security Agencies in Intelligence gathering and territorial recovery. While interpretations of these interventions differ, the reality is that local mobilisation played a role during one of Nigeria’s most difficult Security periods. Economic Reforms That Still Shape Nigeria Nigeria’s exit from the Paris Club debt burden in 2005, estimated at over $30 billion, remains one of the country’s most significant economic milestones. That process was driven by coordinated Federal reforms under the Obasanjo administration, with Atiku as Vice President and head of the National Economic Council, contributing to policy direction. The broader reform agenda also accelerated privatisation and expanded private sector participation in telecoms, banking and other industries, helping to reshape Nigeria’s economic structure, and enabling the growth of major indigenous enterprises. The Final Word Northern Nigeria continues to face entrenched development pressures, ranging from widespread out-of-school children, to persistent insecurity and rising youth unemployment, as reflected in UNICEF and national data. Against that backdrop, public discourse on Leadership must be grounded in verifiable record, not selective interpretation or politically motivated distortion. Attempts to diminish the public service legacy of Atiku Abubakar, do not erase these institutional footprints, policy decisions and infrastructure outcomes still present across the region and far beyond; and as the country edges toward another electoral cycle in 2027, the North and Nigeria at large cannot afford to fail to vote for Atiku, especially not based on easily verified lies.

: 2027: The North-East Cannot Abandon Atiku Abubakar For A “Spare-Tyre Vice President”, Who Has Weakened His Office and Brought the Worst Hardship on His People and The Entire Nation. In Nigerian politics, titles can deceive. What matters is power. Who exercises it, who feels it, and who is ultimately sidelined? By that standard, the Vice Presidency has been quietly diminished since 2007, when Atiku Abubakar exited as Vice President. The incumbent Vice President Kashim Shettima, who is from the North-East, is the worst hit so far. He has become a toothless bulldog that cannot bark or bite under the President Bola Tinubu administration. Under the late former President Muhammadu Buhari administration, the Office functioned with visible authority. Yemi Osinbajo was not a ceremonial Deputy. He acted twice stepping in as Acting President, in 2017 and 2018, during President Buhari’s medical absences abroad. At those periods, governance did not stall; it transitioned. The clearest demonstration came in August 2018, when Osinbajo as Acting President, ordered the removal of the Department of State Services, DSS, Director-General, Lawal Daura, after Operatives invaded the National Assembly. The decision stood. No reversal. No reprimand. It signaled one thing; the Vice Presidency had bite. Beyond moments of crisis, Osinbajo chaired the National Economic Council, NEC, and maintained direct engagements with Governors, shaping economic coordination across States. The Office carried influence, not just presence. Today, under President Tinubu, that clarity of power is harder to see. Vice President Kashim Shettima holds the title, but the authority associated with it appears less visible. There has been no defining moment of Acting Presidential control, no major Executive intervention clearly tied to his Office, and no signal at least publicly that power flows through the Vice Presidency in any decisive way. For the North-East, and indeed the broader North, the question becomes unavoidable: Is this representation? What has Shettima done for the region? Tinubu has relegated him to the lower rung of the ladder, to the extent that there have been talks of replacing him. Politics in Nigeria is not just about occupying space; it is about controlling it. Considering the above, I must state categorically, that the North-East cannot abandon Atiku Abubakar who is also from the North-East, to vote for a “spare-tyre Vice President” for the second consecutive time. The North is not a passive voting bloc. It is decisive. From Kano to Katsina, Kaduna to Borno States, elections are won or lost on the back of Northern turnout and alignments. It is high time the North fully aligned with Atiku. My dear people of the North-East, it is better to produce a President in 2027, than a Vice President under Tinubu, whose government has brought pains, insecurity and hunger to the entire Nigeria at large. That is why the idea that the region would simply abandon Atiku Abubakar; a figure with deep political networks, executive experience and long-standing Northern acceptance, for a ticket where the Vice Presidential role appears diminished, is a hard sell, and critics must perish that idea. It becomes even more complex when you consider alternatives like Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso as a running mate to a Peter Obi, a man who chased out Northerners from Anambra State, when he was Governor. So, the real issue is not just personalities, it is leverage. The Northern region must not vote where they feel included in “name”, they must vote where they feel “power” in practice.

North-East For 2027: An Atiku Abubakar Presidency Will Move Our Desire To Have A One-Nigeria, To Actually Having A One-Nigeria. Nigerians have always spoken about Unity. From our classrooms to our political speeches, the idea of “One Nigeria” is something we all claim to believe in. Yet, in reality, personal interests, regional sentiments and political calculations, have often stood in the way of that unity. Since Nigeria’s independence, the Presidency has rotated across different regions, but not always in a way that reflects true balance. Apart from Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, as Nigeria’s first Prime Minister, no one from the North-East has emerged as President of Nigeria. This is despite the fact that Nigeria belongs to all of us, regardless of where we come from. While the North as a whole has produced Leaders, a closer look shows that power has been more concentrated in certain parts, especially the North-West. This raises a simple, but important question: when will every region truly have a fair chance? At this point in Nigeria’s journey, many believe the time has come to correct that imbalance; and this is where Atiku Abubakar enters the conversation. Beyond politics, Atiku represents a personal story that reflects the idea of unity. He is married to women from different parts of Nigeria, cutting across major regions. This is not just a private matter. It speaks to how he sees the country. Over the years, there have been no major scandals or controversies around his family life, and he has managed his home in a way that suggests balance, respect and understanding. Charity must begin at home. In a country where ethnic and regional divisions often shape decisions, this kind of personal example sends a strong message. It suggests that leadership can rise above narrow interests and embrace the bigger picture. If a man can successfully manage a family that reflects Nigeria’s diversity, it raises hope that he can also lead a nation with the same mindset. It points to the possibility of a leadership that listens to all sides, not just one. This is not just about one man. It is about the kind of history Nigeria wants to make. A history where every region feels seen. A history where unity is not just spoken, but practiced. It will move from the desire to have a One-Nigeria to having a One-Nigeria.

Atiku 2027: President Bola Tinubu, Peter Obi, Others, Must Remember That When The North Aligns, It Does Not Negotiate, It Decides And Sweeps Out Clean. Nigerian elections do not run on speeches; they run on shifts. When the North shifts, power follows. That is the warning that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Peter Obi cannot afford to ignore. Let us look back at our history. In 2015, former President Goodluck Jonathan, despite having the advantage of incumbency, did not just lose, he was swept aside by a Northern consolidation that was clinical and decisive. Data analysed by Premium Times shows the scale. Kano State delivered nearly 1.9 million votes to Muhammadu Buhari, and barely over 200,000 votes to Jonathan. Katsina State followed the same pattern: over 1.3 million votes to Buhari, while below 100,000 votes to Jonathan. Jigawa, Kebbi, Bauchi and Borno States mirrored the same collapse. That election established a rule that has since defined Nigeria’s politics: when the North aligns, it does not negotiate, it decides. The 2023 Presidential election told a more fractured story. The North did not move as one bloc. Kano slipped from the All Progressives Congress’, APC, grip. Kaduna State fell. Sokoto State followed. Zamfara State broke away. The once solid structure splintered into competing directions, and that helped Bola Ahmed Tinubu secure enough Northern support to win, carrying States such as Katsina, Jigawa, Kebbi, Yobe, Borno, Gombe, Niger and Kwara, in a divided, but still decisive region. In contrast, the Southern momentum for Peter Obi in 2023, was strong, but insufficient. He won Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo and Lagos States, 11 Southern States in total. In the North, however, his footprint remained minimal, with his only State-level victory coming from Nasarawa State, alongside a notable win in the Federal Capital Territory, FCT. Looking ahead, discontent in the North is becoming more visible. Inflation has moved from statistics to survival issues. Food prices have surged beyond reach. Insecurity continues across the North West and North-East, with little reliefs in sight. Beyond economic strain, there is also a perception question. Despite delivering electoral victory in 2023, many in the North argue that Federal appointments have tilted Southward. Key strategic positions, including the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, Leadership, Finance, Customs, FIRS, Military Command, Justice Administration, Immigration, and Anti-Corruption Leadership, are widely perceived as reflecting imbalance. The North is not taking this lightly. History offers a final warning. Goodluck Jonathan once had the full weight of incumbency and State power, yet still fell when Northern voter sentiment hardened. Power did not save him, numbers did. And once again, it is in those numbers that Nigeria’s next political earthquake may be determined. In the words often echoed in Northern political circles: “It is our turn again”; and many insist that former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, will finally take his seat at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa, come 2027. From 1999 to date, many in the North argue that it has been shortchanged in the power equation, with promises of balance and rotation repeatedly falling short in practice.

ADC Reviewed Nomination fees downward. In view of the passionate appeal by well-meaning members, the National headquarters of our great party has reviewed the nomination fees as follows; 1. Presidential = N90million 2. Gubernotorial = N30million 3. Senate = N10million 4. Reps= N5million 5. State House = N2million Note: 25% discount for youth, women and PWDs.