Sunday Dare,CON@SundayDareSD
t bears repeating that Atiku's name was inextricably linked to the infamous U.S. corruption trial of former Congressman William Jefferson, who was convicted in 2009 for soliciting bribes from foreign business executives. Trial disclosures and investigative findings referred to an alleged plan involving bribes connected to lucrative telecommunications and technology contracts in Nigeria.
While Atiku vehemently denied soliciting or receiving any illicit gratification, the scandal further cemented his controversial reputation in international anti-corruption circles.
Domestically, the most spectacular implosion of Atiku's administrative integrity occurred during his bitter 2006 falling-out with his principal, President Olusegun Obasanjo. Accused of embezzling and mismanaging funds belonging to the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF), Atiku faced administrative panels and subsequent Senate inquiries that recommended further investigations.
Though the matter stopped short of a criminal conviction, Obasanjo later memorialized these grievances in his memoir, My Watch, branding his former deputy with deep institutional distrust.
The ghost of financial opacity resurfaced with renewed force during the 2023 election cycle when leaked audio recordings, released by a former aide, purportedly captured Atiku discussing the use of "Special Purpose Vehicles" (SPVs).
According to the recordings, these corporate entities were allegedly designed to channel funds for private and political purposes from public sources, including a controversial ₦100 million linked to a state governor. Atiku's campaign dismissed the recordings as malicious hearsay and political weaponization, but the public resonance of the leaks left an indelible stain on his anti-corruption posture.
Long before his ascent to the Vice Presidency, Atiku co-founded Intels Nigeria Limited, a sprawling maritime and oil logistics company that grew into a dominant force within Nigeria's oil and gas sector.
Critics have persistently argued that establishing and operating a multi-billion-dollar contractor while serving as a senior public officer in the Nigeria Customs and Excise Service represented a glaring conflict of interest.
While Atiku maintained that his business activities complied with the regulations governing public service at the time, the intertwining of state authority with private wealth accumulation established a troubling precedent for governance.
As Chairman of the National Council on Privatization during the Obasanjo administration, Atiku oversaw the sale and concession of critical federal public enterprises. Critics, former colleagues, and labour unions repeatedly accused his office of orchestrating a fire sale of national assets that disproportionately benefited political associates, business allies, and powerful domestic oligarchs, leaving behind a legacy of public skepticism regarding equity and transparency.
It is noteworthy that the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is currently settling pension backlogs and addressing liabilities inherited from the privatization of public assets undertaken during the Obasanjo-Atiku administration.
Perhaps the most glaring contradiction in Atiku's 2027 political calculus is his persistent reliance on foreign validation. Facing an uphill political battle and mounting domestic opposition, Atiku engaged the Washington-based lobbying firm Von Batten-Montague-York, L.C. under a $1.2 million** contract filed pursuant to the U.S. Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).
The mandate of the foreign lobbyists was explicit: to counter the Nigerian Government's reform narrative in the United States, lobby American lawmakers and executive officials, and manage Atiku's international reputation.
Seeking to internationalize domestic political disagreements by petitioning foreign authorities over decades-old domestic disputes is not statecraft; it is an abdication of home-grown political responsibility. 2/3