Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )

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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )

Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )

@EDGMTranquility

Be proactive and truthful in life.

Roswell, GA Katılım Eylül 2019
358 Takip Edilen830 Takipçiler
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
Abraham , The story sounds powerful—but it leaves out the most important question: what did that sacrifice actually deliver to the people? Yes, Eritrea’s 30-year struggle was real. The resilience and sacrifice of ordinary Eritreans cannot be denied or diminished. But honoring that history shouldn’t mean ignoring the present reality. 1. Independence without freedom is a contradiction Eritrea achieved sovereignty in 1993—but today, basic freedoms are absent. There are no independent media, no elections, and no constitutional governance in practice. A nation didn’t fight for decades just to replace external control with internal absolute authority. 2. Endless national service is not “resilience” What is described as vigilance and sacrifice has, in reality, become indefinite conscription. Generations are not “rebuilding”—they are stuck in a system that limits their future, their careers, and even their ability to live normal lives. 3. The mass exodus tells the real story If Eritrea’s post-independence path were truly successful, its youth wouldn’t be risking their lives crossing deserts and seas. People don’t flee a country because it is strong—they leave because something is fundamentally broken. 4. Sovereignty should benefit citizens, not just preserve power Sovereignty is meaningful only if it improves the lives of the people. Otherwise, it becomes a slogan used to silence criticism while conditions stagnate. So yes—respect the martyrs. Respect the struggle. But also be honest: the outcome has not matched the promise. Please add it up for me—where is the beef? Only hot air.
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Abraham Gebremichael
Abraham Gebremichael@YohannesSo41790·
Thirty Years of Fire: The Nation That Refused to Break The Journey of Eritrea From Struggle to Sovereignty By Abraham Gebremichael, History rarely gives small nations the luxury of easy birth. Some are welcomed into the world through signatures and negotiations. Others must fight for the simple right to exist. Eritrea was forged in that second fire. For thirty long years, Eritreans faced one of the most difficult liberation struggles of the modern era. Villages were destroyed. Families were separated. Entire generations grew up beneath the shadow of war. Yet the people did not surrender. Across mountains and deserts, farmers became fighters. Teachers became organizers. Students carried messages across dangerous terrain. The struggle became more than a war. It became a national awakening. Every sacrifice strengthened the belief that freedom was not impossible, only unfinished. In 1991, the tide turned. In 1993, Eritrea stood before the world and chose independence. But independence was not the end of the story. It was the beginning of another challenge: rebuilding a nation from the ruins of war while protecting its sovereignty in a region where geopolitical interests around the Red Sea continue to shape events. Today, in 2026, Eritrea’s journey continues guided by resilience, memory, and vigilance. Because a nation forged in thirty years of struggle does not easily forget who it is. Or why it stands. The fire that forged Eritrea still burns not in war, but in the determination of its people to endure, rebuild, and remain sovereign. Glory to our martyrs. Strength to our people. #Eritrea
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
Teddy Afro’s “ዳስ (Das)”: Mourning the Past or Undermining the Present in Ethiopia? Teddy Afro’s song “ዳስ (Das)” carries a deep tone of mourning, nostalgia, and reflection. Its emotional weight feels like a farewell—something has been lost, and the song looks back with longing. Yet the central question remains: what exactly is being mourned? That is where interpretations begin to diverge. One perspective sees the song as a farewell to an “old Ethiopia”—not geographically, but politically. This “old Ethiopia” can be understood as a system shaped by centralized imperial dominance, the exclusion of diverse identities, and a rigid, outdated political mindset. This raises a difficult question: why mourn something many consider long obsolete? If that system produced inequality and suffering, then mourning it risks romanticizing the past rather than confronting it honestly. Instead of fostering unity, such nostalgia may deepen divisions. This tension lies at the core of the song: Is it mourning a nation that was lost? Or a power structure that some still wish to restore? For those who reject armed struggle or nostalgic nationalism, the song can sound like an indirect echo to those “picking up guns to bring back the past.” In that light, the mourning becomes troubling—almost like grieving something that should not return. The question “why mourn now?” exposes this contradiction. If that era is truly gone, dwelling on it may fuel misguided political emotions instead of encouraging constructive change. In a fragile environment, it can even be seen as indirectly feeding instability. Bringing this narrative forward at the present moment can also be interpreted by some as undermining the current leadership of Ethiopia, particularly at a time when stability and reform efforts remain delicate. What makes “ዳስ” both powerful and controversial is its ambiguity. It allows multiple readings: a nostalgic tribute a political lament or a farewell to a mentality that should already be laid to rest Ultimately, the deeper concern remains: if the “old Ethiopia” symbolizes domination, exclusion, or outdated thinking, then mourning it today risks keeping that mentality alive—even symbolically. And for those seeking to restore it through force, such messaging may unintentionally reinforce a cause disconnected from present realities—potentially crossing a red line for stability.
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
When Hype Backfires: Teddy Afro and the Misreading of Ethiopia’s Political Reality Weeks of intense media buildup and promotion around Teddy Afro’s campaign were clearly intended to command national attention and steer public conversation in a specific direction. The scale of the hype suggested confidence—not only in the message itself, but in how it would be received. Yet the outcome has unfolded quite differently from what was likely anticipated. Rather than consolidating a unified narrative, the campaign appears to have triggered a counter-response. Instead of passive acceptance, many audiences—particularly from historically marginalized communities, with the Oromo standing out—engaged critically with the messaging. For them, the campaign was not viewed in isolation as entertainment or cultural expression, but through the lens of lived experience, historical grievances, and ongoing political realities. In that context, what may have been intended as a unifying or persuasive message was interpreted by some as dismissive, incomplete, or out of touch. This is where the miscalculation becomes clear. Teddy Afro and those aligned with his viewpoint seem to have underestimated the depth of political awareness among the public. Ethiopia today is not a passive audience space; it is highly politicized, socially conscious, and shaped by decades of contested narratives around identity, power, and representation. Messages that fail to engage with that complexity—no matter how well-packaged—risk being reinterpreted or rejected altogether. Moreover, the reaction underscores a broader shift: historically marginalized groups are no longer peripheral voices in national discourse. They are organized, vocal, and increasingly unified when they perceive their identity or history being overlooked or reframed. In this instance, with the exception of a small segment that appears eager to amplify or benefit from the narrative, the overwhelming response from many oppressed nationalities has been one of resistance—coalescing in opposition to what they view as chauvinistic undertones. As noted in my earlier piece, this reflects a recurring pattern—an ongoing misreading of Ethiopia’s political landscape. Simplified narratives that ignore the depth of historical grievances (የወጋ  ቢረሳየተወጋ  አይረሳም) or assume a one-size-fits-all national sentiment are bound to fall short. Ethiopia’s reality is layered, contested, and evolving. Any attempt to influence public perception without acknowledging these dynamics is not only ineffective but can produce the opposite of its intended effect. If there is a takeaway here, it is this: influence in today’s Ethiopia requires more than visibility and amplification. It demands nuance, historical awareness, and a genuine engagement with the diverse experiences that shape public opinion. Without that, even the most well-funded and widely promoted campaigns risk backfiring—turning moments of intended influence into moments of unintended awakening.
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
Habtish, I agree with the core of your argument—it reflects a painful reality that many Eritreans themselves have been expressing for years, especially those who have fled and shared their experiences. The promise of independence in 1993 was rooted in dignity, self-determination, and opportunity. Yet under Isaias Afwerki, that promise has, for many, turned into prolonged hardship marked by indefinite national service, restricted freedoms, and limited economic prospects. Your point about coercion versus consent is particularly important. When a system relies heavily on strict controls—such as militarized borders and severe punishment for leaving—it raises serious questions about whether people are staying by choice or by force. The continued outflow of Eritreans, even under dangerous conditions, speaks volumes. People don’t risk their lives without strong reasons. At the same time, your acknowledgment that not everyone would leave adds balance and credibility. There are always those with deep ties, personal convictions, or circumstances that lead them to stay. But overall, the scale of migration and the consistent testimonies from refugees strongly support your broader conclusion. What makes this especially tragic is that Eritrea’s struggle for independence was one of resilience and sacrifice. To see that legacy overshadowed by widespread disillusionment is deeply concerning. Real stability and national pride can’t be sustained through control alone—they require trust, opportunity, and a government that people feel invested in, not trapped by. Your conclusion captures the frustration many feel: meaningful change is necessary, and without it, the cycle you described is unlikely to break.
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Habtish Gurmu (Commentary)
Habtish Gurmu (Commentary)@Habtishgreat·
🇪🇷Eritrea’s Harsh Reality🇪🇷 In 1993, Eritreans believed they were choosing freedom over slavery. Today, they find themselves literally shackled by an even bigger chain of slavery. If there were no guards at the Eritrean border and no shoot-to-kill order, the vast majority of working-age adults would likely leave Eritrea in short order. The country’s indefinite national service—officially limited to 18 months but in practice extending for years or decades—functions as a system of forced labor, with conscripts receiving minimal pay to nothing, facing arbitrary punishments, and having little personal freedom. This policy, combined with political repression, lack of basic rights, and a stagnant command economy, has created deep disillusionment among the population. Testimonies from refugees consistently describe a sense of entrapment, where staying means sacrificing one’s youth and future to a regime that prioritizes control over development. Without the lethal deterrent of armed border patrols and the risk of imprisonment or death for attempting exit, the primary physical and psychological barriers to emigration would vanish, unleashing a pent-up desire for opportunity abroad.25 The evidence for this scenario is already visible in the scale of Eritrea’s ongoing exodus despite the dangers. Even with shoot-to-kill orders still in effect as of 2026, thousands continue to flee annually, risking everything to reach Sudan, Ethiopia, or beyond. In recent years, over 100,000 Eritreans sought asylum in a single year, representing a significant percentage of the in-country population (estimated around 3.6 million). The diaspora now rivals or exceeds the remaining population in size, with remittances becoming a lifeline for those left behind. Young people, in particular, express in private conversations and refugee accounts that they would depart immediately if borders were unguarded, viewing migration as the only viable path to education, employment, and autonomy. The regime’s heavy militarization of borders and punishment of families of escapees exist precisely because officials understand that voluntary retention is low. That said, not literally every adult would leave. A minority those ideologically committed and brainwashed to the independence struggle’s legacy, individuals in privileged positions, older citizens with strong family or property ties, or those fearing the uncertainties of exile might choose to remain. Logistical realities, such as destination countries’ capacity to absorb newcomers and the costs of travel, would also temper an instantaneous mass departure. Eritrea’s population is retained far more by coercion and force than by consent. Removing the guards and the shoot-to-kill order would trigger a demographic shift of historic proportions, accelerating the brain drain and exposing the regime’s governance failures more starkly than ever. This reality underscores the tragedy of a nation that achieved hard-won independence only to see so many of its people vote with their feet. Isaias Afwerki MUST go‼️
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
@Yoad2119 I don’t respond to comments like yours, but I’ll make an exception today in case you’re misinformed. If your concerns are genuine, start from the below … otherwise, it’s just a noise. I’ll address the rest next time. Have a good day.
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility

The Plight of Ethiopian Muslims in Axum: A Call for Protection, Truth, and Accountability For years, Ethiopian Muslims in Axum have lived under a cloud of fear, uncertainty, and marginalization. What should be a place of coexistence—rooted in Ethiopia’s long and proud history of religious tolerance—has instead become a symbol of exclusion, denial of rights, and recurring insecurity. Remnants of these feeling in the countries different institutions in Ethiopia but in Axum it’s deep rooted and should not be tolerated in 21st century. The grievances are not new, and they are not vague. Muslims in Axum have repeatedly raised concerns about restrictions on their most basic religious rights—being denied adequate places of worship such as mosques, and even facing barriers to burying their dead with dignity. These are not minor administrative issues; they strike at the core of human dignity and religious freedom. At the same time, periodic violence and intimidation have deepened fear within the community. These incidents are not isolated—they reflect a pattern that has yet to be honestly addressed or resolved. The result is a growing sense of injustice and abandonment. Equally troubling is the silence—or selective outrage—of influential voices. It must be stated clearly: figures with national platforms cannot claim to stand for justice while ignoring the suffering of certain communities. Where Teddy Afro: Teddy Afro, whose words carry immense weight across Ethiopia, has not been heard speaking about the ongoing plight of Muslims in Axum. This absence matters. When prominent figures choose when to speak and when to remain silent, they shape public consciousness. Silence in the face of injustice is not neutral—it sends a message about whose suffering is worth acknowledging and whose is not. Selective advocacy does not unify a nation; it deepens mistrust and reinforces inequality. Ethiopia has already paid a heavy price for division—whether along ethnic or religious lines. The continued marginalization of Muslims in Axum, combined with the lack of consistent moral clarity from those with influence, risks further fracturing the social fabric. Addressing this crisis requires more than words—it demands action: Full protection of religious freedoms, including the right to build places of worship and access proper burial spaces Independent and transparent investigations into all incidents of violence and discrimination Accountability for perpetrators, regardless of status or affiliation Responsible leadership—political, religious, and cultural—that speaks out consistently against injustice in all its forms Ethiopia’s diversity has always been its strength, but that strength cannot survive without fairness. Justice cannot be selective. Empathy cannot be conditional. I appeal to all peace-loving Ethiopians to stand together—across all divides—and confront this issue with honesty and courage. The suffering of any one community is a threat to the stability of the entire nation. The people of Axum deserve peace. Ethiopian Muslims deserve dignity. And all Ethiopians deserve leaders and voices who speak truth—not selectively, but consistently.

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Yoad
Yoad@Yoad2119·
@EDGMTranquility Do you believe that for a nation to truly heal, its most influential voices must speak out against injustice consistently, ensuring that no community feels forgotten or excluded?
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
The Plight of Ethiopian Muslims in Axum: A Call for Protection, Truth, and Accountability For years, Ethiopian Muslims in Axum have lived under a cloud of fear, uncertainty, and marginalization. What should be a place of coexistence—rooted in Ethiopia’s long and proud history of religious tolerance—has instead become a symbol of exclusion, denial of rights, and recurring insecurity. Remnants of these feeling in the countries different institutions in Ethiopia but in Axum it’s deep rooted and should not be tolerated in 21st century. The grievances are not new, and they are not vague. Muslims in Axum have repeatedly raised concerns about restrictions on their most basic religious rights—being denied adequate places of worship such as mosques, and even facing barriers to burying their dead with dignity. These are not minor administrative issues; they strike at the core of human dignity and religious freedom. At the same time, periodic violence and intimidation have deepened fear within the community. These incidents are not isolated—they reflect a pattern that has yet to be honestly addressed or resolved. The result is a growing sense of injustice and abandonment. Equally troubling is the silence—or selective outrage—of influential voices. It must be stated clearly: figures with national platforms cannot claim to stand for justice while ignoring the suffering of certain communities. Where Teddy Afro: Teddy Afro, whose words carry immense weight across Ethiopia, has not been heard speaking about the ongoing plight of Muslims in Axum. This absence matters. When prominent figures choose when to speak and when to remain silent, they shape public consciousness. Silence in the face of injustice is not neutral—it sends a message about whose suffering is worth acknowledging and whose is not. Selective advocacy does not unify a nation; it deepens mistrust and reinforces inequality. Ethiopia has already paid a heavy price for division—whether along ethnic or religious lines. The continued marginalization of Muslims in Axum, combined with the lack of consistent moral clarity from those with influence, risks further fracturing the social fabric. Addressing this crisis requires more than words—it demands action: Full protection of religious freedoms, including the right to build places of worship and access proper burial spaces Independent and transparent investigations into all incidents of violence and discrimination Accountability for perpetrators, regardless of status or affiliation Responsible leadership—political, religious, and cultural—that speaks out consistently against injustice in all its forms Ethiopia’s diversity has always been its strength, but that strength cannot survive without fairness. Justice cannot be selective. Empathy cannot be conditional. I appeal to all peace-loving Ethiopians to stand together—across all divides—and confront this issue with honesty and courage. The suffering of any one community is a threat to the stability of the entire nation. The people of Axum deserve peace. Ethiopian Muslims deserve dignity. And all Ethiopians deserve leaders and voices who speak truth—not selectively, but consistently.
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር ) tweet mediaTranquility (ከድር ዑመር ) tweet mediaTranquility (ከድር ዑመር ) tweet mediaTranquility (ከድር ዑመር ) tweet media
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Momina🕊️
Momina🕊️@Momina5617·
Brain test.... How many square can you see???
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Elisa Ruth
Elisa Ruth@Elisa__2k2·
Easy Math Challenge Can you Solve this
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Mind Riddle
Mind Riddle@mth8547·
Your answer..? A) 200 B) 500
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Serenity speaks 🇱🇷
Serenity speaks 🇱🇷@speaks28389·
Only for genius..Think you're a math genius? What is the final total?
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Rena
Rena@renabaddie_·
BRAIN TEASER: Can you find the missing number? 🤔
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )
Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
Misreading Ethiopia: When Influence Becomes Irresponsibility The timing of Teddy Afro’s recent message is not just unfortunate—it is dangerously misguided. At a moment when Ethiopia is struggling to contain internal tensions, such messaging risks giving indirect encouragement to armed actors whose actions weaken the state and deepen instability. This is not simply about one artist. It reflects a broader failure to understand Ethiopia’s political reality. The Amharic proverb reminds us: “የወጋ ቢረሳ የተወጋ አይረሳም”—those who inflicted harm may forget, but those who suffered never do. Ethiopia’s history is marked by real grievances: marginalized nationalities, unequal religious treatment, and long-standing exclusion. These are not abstract issues; they shaped armed struggles across the country. The success of Eritrea’s independence—achieved through armed struggle in coordination with Tigray People’s Liberation Front—demonstrates how deeply such grievances can mobilize people. But those same dynamics also left behind unresolved tensions that still define Ethiopia today. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is now navigating a fragile landscape, attempting to stabilize a country still carrying these historical wounds. In such an environment, oversimplified narratives about unity or selective memory are not just naïve—they are harmful. Groups like Fano continue to operate under the illusion that a single narrative can unite Ethiopia. It cannot. Many communities—especially in southern regions—including Oromo will not align with agendas that fail to acknowledge their lived experiences. This misreading has already led to repeated failure. Turning to influential figures like Teddy Afro to manufacture unity without addressing core grievances is not a strategy—it is avoidance. And avoidance, in a country like Ethiopia, comes at a cost. Real unity cannot be sung into existence. It must be built through honesty, inclusion, and accountability. Anything less risks pushing the country further into division.
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
Farewell to the Old Ethiopia: Not Mourning the Past, But Building the Future When Teddy Afro sings about Ethiopia being “dead” in his music, I understand it not just as poetry, but as an emotional reflection—one shaped by memory, identity, and a deep attachment to a past many people still hold onto. But I see it differently. I said long ago that the old Ethiopia was already gone—long before Teddy Afro expressed it in song. What some are mourning today is not something that just disappeared overnight; it had already reached a point beyond return. Trying to bring back that old Ethiopia is like trying to squeeze butter out of a duck—it simply cannot be done. The difference is not in recognising change, but in how we respond to it. When I said it years ago, no one paid attention—because I am not a public figure or a singer. Today, when Teddy Afro says something similar through music, it resonates widely. That shows the power of art, but it doesn’t change the reality itself. To me, his song sounds more like a farewell—a kind of funeral for what once was. And farewells have their place. People need them to process loss. But I don’t stand in that place of mourning. I don’t miss the past in the way Teddy seems to. I’m not looking backward—I’m looking forward. The Ethiopia of yesterday is gone, and instead of trying to revive it, I believe the focus should be on building a better tomorrow. Not everyone will agree on what that future should look like, but we all have a role to play in shaping it. For me, the question is not how to recover what is lost—but how to contribute to what comes next.
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Tranquility (ከድር ዑመር )@EDGMTranquility·
911! Concern Over Media Narratives That Risk Inciting Religious Tension. There is a growing concern about certain media outlets presenting political opinions disguised as factual reporting, particularly when the content touches on religion. This approach is not only misleading but also dangerous. Religion is deeply sensitive anywhere in the world, and especially in Ethiopia, where historical grievances and perceptions of inequality among faith communities still exist. For many years, some religious groups felt marginalized, and although there have been improvements under the current government, there are still instances where equality is not fully understood or practiced—even by individuals in positions of authority. When such attitudes are echoed or amplified through media platforms, the consequences can be serious. If any religious group is suspected of engaging in illegal activities or actions that may offend another faith, the appropriate course of action is clear: report the matter to the proper authorities. Broadcasting such allegations through media channels, particularly without verified evidence or responsible framing, risks inflaming tensions rather than resolving issues. In the current political climate, this can easily be interpreted as an attempt to incite division or even violence. Several recent statements aired in the media are especially troubling: Claims that weapons are being stockpiled in mosques under the name of religion. If such a serious allegation is true, it must be handled by law enforcement—not broadcast in a way that could provoke fear and retaliation. Accusations that religious imagery (የማርየም ፎቶ ያለበት ወረቀት ልሱኳር መጠቅለያ አረጉት) is being disrespected by being used inappropriately in commercial contexts. These issues, too, require careful investigation and lawful handling, not sensational exposure. Equally concerning are suggestive remarks that may carry hidden implications: Statements such as “Orthodox means unity” raise questions about whether other groups are being implicitly excluded. (ይህ ማለት ላገር የምታስቡ አንድ ሁኑ ማለት ሳይሆን ኦርቶዶክሶች አንድ ሁኑ ማለት ነው ) ግን ለምን ? Comments directed at followers suggesting inaction—telling not to do anything anything”—ኦርቶዶክሶች ምንም ነገር ኣታድጉ can be interpreted as a call to mobilize, በውጥ ታዋቂነት ተነሱ እንደማለት ነው which in a tense environment may lead to unintended consequences. These kinds of messages are dangerous—not only for those being targeted, but also for those spreading them. Words have power, and when used irresponsibly, they can deepen divisions and trigger conflict. It is essential that media outlets exercise responsibility, professionalism, and restraint, especially when dealing with sensitive issues like religion. At the same time, the government must remain vigilant and ensure that media platforms do not become vehicles for incitement or division. Preventive action is far better than responding after tensions have already escalated. Ultimately, safeguarding peace requires accountability—from media, from public officials, and from all members of society.
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