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Idrees ادریس

Idrees ادریس

@IdreesAhmed7

Ishq, Sufism, Shayari, Nature, Cricket, Polity, History, Arts, Law and much more... 💕 سگِ درگاہِ جيلان

Hyderabad Katılım Mart 2012
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Idrees ادریس
Idrees ادریس@IdreesAhmed7·
صلى الله عليه وآله وسلم
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Idrees ادریس
Idrees ادریس@IdreesAhmed7·
Interesting
Bar and Bench@barandbench

#BREAKING Election duty officers move Supreme Court saying they themselves are not on West Bengal #SIR List Se Adv MR Shamshad: These are 65 petitioners who are on election duty. Their duty orders mention EPIC numbers. Now those numbers are deleted. Now the persons conducting elections cannot vote ! This is on the face arbitrary. Many not given reasons. CJI: Make these arguments before the appellate tribunal. Let the tribunal look into it Justice Bagchi: Appropriate orders will be passed by the tribunal .. this election yes perhaps they can't vote. The more valuable right to remain on the rolls shall be preserved.

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Idrees ادریس
Idrees ادریس@IdreesAhmed7·
Lesson on international law.
Reza Nasri@RezaNasri1

Arab states that permanently host U.S. military bases have, as a matter of black-letter international law, forsaken their sovereignty and no longer qualify as fully sovereign states. They therefore cannot invoke the rights and protections reserved exclusively to states that actually meet the legal definition of sovereignty, and they have no say about Iran's right to defend itself against US aggression. The Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States (1933), Art. 1, defines statehood by four cumulative requirements, the decisive fourth being “the capacity to enter into relations with other States.” This capacity requires exclusive and independent authority over territory and external affairs, without subordination to any other power (Island of Palmas arbitration, 1928; Lotus case, PCIJ 1927). Numerous Arab states — including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, UAE, Jordan, and others — host permanent U.S. military bases and facilities under Status of Forces Agreements. These agreements grant American forces extraterritorial immunity, exclusive operational command, and control over large areas of sovereign territory. Local courts cannot prosecute U.S. personnel, local legislatures cannot inspect bases, and host governments cannot unilaterally order eviction without risking severe economic or military retaliation. CIA operational centers embedded within or alongside these bases conduct intelligence, surveillance, rendition, and lethal activities beyond effective Arab oversight. A state that cannot control who bears arms on its soil, who conducts intelligence operations, or who decides when foreign forces depart has, by definition, surrendered the exclusivity of authority required by Montevideo. It is no longer exercising the functions of a state “to the exclusion of any other State.” It has become, in legal terms, a semi-sovereign protectorate, leased territory, or a modern vassal in all but name. Arab states hosting permanent U.S. military bases have voluntarily (or under duress) forsaken the fourth Montevideo criterion. They therefore fail the legal definition of fully sovereign states and cannot invoke the full protections of sovereign equality (UN Charter Art. 2(1)) or non-intervention (Art. 2(7)) against the very power whose bases and intelligence apparatus they host. The Arab world must confront this stark legal reality: symbols of statehood such as flags, UN membership, and national anthems confer no genuine sovereignty when the fundamental attributes of independence have been surrendered — least of all the standing to object when Iran exercises its inherent right of self-defense against American aggression emanating from bases on Arab soil.

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