Ivan Pepic

Jučer sam gostovao u emisiji #HRTOtvoreno. Tema je bila Inicijativa Triju mora u Dubrovniku. Emisiju možete pogledati ovdje: youtube.com/live/U9EsEuFDC… @3seaseu

This is huge. Congrats!

Jutros sam gostovao u emisiji Studio 4 @hrtvijesti. Razgovarali smo o ideji o tri federalne jedinice u BiH, prema uzoru na Belgiji, koja je predstavljena na #TradFestu. vijesti.hrt.hr/svijet/strucnj…

It was a pleasure to teach about EU strategic policy documents to an excellent group at the European Security and Defence College’s #CSDP orientation course in Split last week. The discussion on designing strategy in today’s world was particularly engaging. #ESDC

Još jedna laž @jakovcic_eugen . ICTY (MKSJ) nije ustanovio da je hrvatsko vodstvo odgovorno za Ahmiće. Ahmići se ne spominju u presudi Prliću. Budući da me blokirao, bio bih zahvalan kad bi mu netko odgovorio da je uhvaćen u još jednoj laži.

1/10 #OnThisDay in 1992, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) Croat leaders decided to found the Croatian Defence Council (HVO). The aim was to defend Croats and Muslims from Yugoslav/Serbian aggression.

RIP. Westendorp will be remembered as the man who used the Bonn Powers first and for his statement that “[the Bonn Powers] are not very legal.” Still, even if they were illegal, he used them, as all those who came after him have done, without any review mechanism.

@T__Denis139 @rtvhercegbosne Ako laže koza, ne laže AvAv. x.com/IstragaB/statu…

@Ivan_Pepic @rtvhercegbosne Pepicu, od projekta nema ništa bez Hrvata s jedne i s druge strane granice, i bez potposivanja međudržavnog ugovora, kakav Amer Bekic kakva tvrtka u Sarajevu.

Prošli tjedan postavio sam pitanje na @rtvhercegbosne. Hoće li se dozvoliti da SAD, koji će graditi Južnu plinsku interkonekciju, za partnera bira d.o.o. Amera Bekana sa sjedištem u Sarajevu? Zašto ne Mostar? Što ako se Bekan odluči za partnerstvo s BH-Gasom? Odgovora još nema.

Ten key positions of the European Court of Human Rights and relevant international reports over the past year (2025–2026) concerning electoral reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1. "Actio popularis": The Court acknowledged that certain applications concerning Bosnia and Herzegovina are not aimed at protecting individual human rights, but rather represent attempts to alter the constitutional structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina (paras. 13 and 15 of the Decision on Admissibility in Z. Begić v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 2. Weight of the Vote: The European Convention on Human Rights does not guarantee equal weight or equal influence for each individual vote (para. 15 of the Decision on Admissibility in Z. Begić v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 3. Established Discrimination: The discrimination established in the Sejdić-Finci judgment refers to the inability to stand for election (para. 215 of the Grand Chamber judgment in S. Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 4. Electoral Reform Requirements: It is essential that the electoral reform ensures and guarantees the political representation of all three constituent peoples and others, in accordance with the decisions of the Constitutional Court of BiH and the ECHR (para. 5 of Resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe No. 2638 of 2026). 5. The House of Peoples: The existence of a House of Peoples is not contrary to the Convention, as it is common for a second legislative chamber to represent specific interests distinct from those of the general population. Furthermore, the composition of the House of Peoples is a result of its decentralized and uniquely complex constitutional structure embedded in an international peace agreement (paras. 204 and 207 of the Grand Chamber judgment in S. Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 6. Right to Stand for Election: The right to stand for election without discrimination must be ensured for the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Houses of Peoples of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as for the positions of (Vice) President (as previously established by the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in AP-849/23) and the leadership of the House of Representatives of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina (ECtHR Decisions: 16613/23; 5067/23, Z. Begić v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 7. The Stumbling Block: The election of a member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a major stumbling block between the Croat and Bosniak communities in Bosnia and Herzegovina (para. 63 of the Report for the Resolution of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe No. 2638 of 2026). 8. Constituencies and Asymmetry: Asymmetry and existence of multiple electoral units intended to protect specific constitutional criteria and needs, as well as the territorial link between voters and their representatives, are not contrary to the standards of the Convention (paras. 203 and 204 of the Grand Chamber judgment in S. Kovačević v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 9. High Representative’s Amendments: The amendments to the Election Law imposed by the High Representative on the election night did not violate the Convention, as the applicant was not directly affected by those measures (paras. 38 and 39 of the decision in Democratic Front v. Bosnia and Herzegovina). 10. Abuse of the Right of Application: Inappropriate behavior toward the Court, personal attacks and intimidation of the agents of the Council of Ministers are considered an abuse of the right of individual application (paras. 134–139 of the Grand Chamber judgment in S. Kovačević v. and Herzegovina).

(1/4) The claim made in this tweet is in direct contradiction with the jurisprudence of the BiH Constitutional Court. In its Decision U-23/14, the Court explicitly refers to the concept of “legitimate representation” as part of the *general principle of democracy*.

Fun fact 2: Former HR Petritsch today says Croats “[now] need a third Entity.” Perhaps it’s time for the Quint to explore remedial solutions, similar to the 20th-century case of the Åland Islands. History offers lessons that we cannot ignore.

After Jelavić’s dismissal and human rights violations, Jozo Križanović became the Croat member of the Presidency without Croat and with Bosniak-Muslim and international bureacracy support, again fueling debates on representation and legitimacy in BiH.

On this day 25 years ago, Croat leadership in BiH proclaimed a Provisional Croat Self-Rule. Why? International nation-building bureaucrats had just intervened in the electoral system, attempting electoral engineering to install “multi-ethnic” and “moderate” candidates.