M Compass Media

Dr McConville exited the IMC inquiry abruptly this morning after delivering his oral submission. He received a standing ovation from members of the public. The allegations against him concern posts on social media that 'undermined public health guidelines'

“𝐁𝐲 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐞 𝐎𝐟 𝐆𝐨𝐝 𝐇𝐞 𝐊𝐞𝐞𝐩𝐬 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐁𝐚𝐜𝐤” — 𝐉𝐮𝐝𝐠𝐞 𝐔𝐫𝐠𝐞𝐬 𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚 𝐓𝐨 𝐀𝐜𝐭 𝐎𝐯𝐞𝐫 𝐁𝐨𝐲 𝐈𝐧 𝐂𝐚𝐫𝐞 A report by Gordon Deegan in today’s Irish Times describes a deeply concerning case involving a 14 year old boy in Tusla care whose placement situation prompted a direct plea from Judge Adrian Harris for Tusla to provide him with appropriate care. The Family Law Court heard that the teenager is currently living in an unregulated special care arrangement where his daily routine has collapsed entirely. According to the boy’s court appointed Guardian ad Litem, or GAL, the child remains awake on his mobile phone until around 6am every morning, sleeps during the day, and typically does not wake until late afternoon. When the GAL recently visited the placement, the teenager refused to leave his bedroom, telling him to “F off”. Staff at the unit reportedly informed the GAL that the boy’s pattern of unrestricted overnight phone use meant that midday effectively felt like the middle of the night to him. The court heard the teenager has had unrestricted access to his phone around the clock and has received no education for approximately a year. This is not the first time serious concerns about the boy’s behaviour and circumstances have come before the court. Earlier proceedings heard that staff at the care setting had become fearful after the boy claimed he had made a sawn off shotgun, although it was clarified that the item was not genuine. Judge Adrian Harris issued a stark warning about the risks involved. He said he was appealing directly to Tusla management to secure a proper placement for the child, expressing alarm that the boy, while in State care, was going missing every second day. The judge said that each time the teenager had returned safely “by the grace of God”, but warned that the court could face a far more tragic outcome if the situation continued. The teenager entered care following a major incident at home. Last month, Tusla obtained an emergency care order after the boy reportedly “completely destroyed” his family home during an argument triggered by his mother’s refusal to return his mobile phone. The court heard that the child’s pathway through care since then has been highly unstable. At one stage, because fuel protests prevented gardaí from transporting him to a hotel placement in Dublin, Tusla admitted him to a university hospital as a social admission. Before eventually obtaining the current special care arrangement earlier this month, he had been moved repeatedly between hotel placements on an almost daily basis. The hearing also raised wider questions about the State’s ability to meet the needs of highly vulnerable children taken into care. When asked about restricting the teenager’s phone access, the GAL agreed that ideally limits should exist but said staff in residential and special care settings often lack the practical ability to confiscate a phone without potentially escalating an already volatile situation. The GAL posed what he described as a fundamental question for Tusla: whether it is right to bring a child into care if the State cannot provide a suitable placement afterwards. Referring to the fact that the situation has been ongoing for six or seven weeks, he said Tusla appeared effectively “snookered”, while acknowledging that leaving the child outside care would also be an unsatisfactory option. Judge Harris noted that the boy’s parents were powerless in the circumstances. He said they had tried their best but were unable to provide the level of care the child required. The court ultimately extended the Interim Care Order until June 26. The case shines a spotlight on the challenges facing Tusla in securing suitable placements for children with highly complex needs, and on the potential dangers when a child in State care remains without a stable, structured and properly regulated environment.

Since 2022 Didean has been busy buying up properties around the midlands - Laois, Offally, Carlow, Limerick, Westmeath and beyond. By end of 2023, their property portfolio was worth €7.5million and rising fast.

𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐃𝐢𝐝 𝐑𝐨𝐬𝐬𝐚 𝐅𝐚𝐧𝐧𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐁𝐥𝐨𝐜𝐤 𝐀 𝐅𝐮𝐥𝐥 𝐁𝐚𝐧 𝐎𝐧 𝐂𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐍𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐬 𝐈𝐧 𝐒𝐞𝐱𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐕𝐢𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐓𝐫𝐢𝐚𝐥𝐬? A report in today’s Irish Independent by Azmia Riaz says sexual violence survivors and therapists are demanding a full ban on the use of counselling notes in criminal trials, arguing that allowing alleged perpetrators access to deeply personal therapy records is re traumatising and deters victims from seeking help or pursuing justice. The report centres on proposed amendments to section 19A of the Criminal Law and Civil Law Bill 2026, introduced by Justice Minister Jim O’Callaghan. The current law allows alleged perpetrators to apply to court for disclosure of a complainant’s counselling records. While the Government says its amendments would significantly tighten the rules, campaigners say they fall far short of the protections survivors were seeking. Survivor Hazel Behan questioned how therapy notes, created in what should be a confidential healing space, could be handed over to someone accused of causing the trauma. She described the prospect of an alleged perpetrator reading intimate accounts of the damage caused by sexual assault as deeply violating and re traumatising. Therapist Bairbre Kelly, co founder of Therapists Against Harm, criticised the proposed approach of leaving decisions on disclosure to judges. She argued that judges are trained to assess legal evidence, not trauma, and warned that counselling material can easily be misunderstood when viewed solely through a legal lens. The Department of Justice told the Irish Independent that the Attorney General, Rossa Fanning has advised a total ban on counselling notes in sexual offence trials would be unconstitutional. Instead, the Government says it is trying to restrict disclosure “to the maximum extent possible” while preserving judicial oversight. Under the proposed changes, a disclosure hearing would be required in all cases, the current waiver provision would be removed, and a new “filtering” stage would allow courts to reject irrelevant applications from the outset. The Department also says prosecutors would no longer be required to proactively seek out personal records for the defence, and that stronger safeguards would apply to counselling, medical, child protection and social work records. However, therapists and survivors quoted in the report say these reforms do not address the fundamental problem. Kelly argues therapy notes are not forensic evidence. They are written by therapists, not survivors, often hours or days after sessions, and are intended as clinical summaries of emotions, thoughts and therapeutic themes rather than factual accounts. She warns that trauma can distort recollection, making reliance on such material potentially dangerous. The report highlights concerns that even the possibility of counselling notes being disclosed may discourage survivors from attending therapy or reporting sexual violence at all. Kelly says some clients have already reconsidered seeking help because of fears their private therapeutic discussions could later be scrutinised in court. Behan argues that sexual offence trials remain overly “perpetrator focused”, leaving survivors feeling marginalised within their own cases. She says victims are expected to endure cross examination, invasive scrutiny and the possibility of having years of therapeutic reflection read aloud, while defendants retain the right to remain silent. Campaigners say a full ban on counselling notes is not an unreasonable demand and would allow survivors to pursue justice without sacrificing access to therapy and emotional support.

𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐩𝐥𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐖𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐌𝐚𝐝𝐞 𝐈𝐧 𝟐𝟎𝟏𝟕. 𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐃𝐢𝐝 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐚𝐫𝐝𝐚 𝐖𝐚𝐭𝐜𝐡𝐝𝐨𝐠 𝐅𝐚𝐢𝐥 𝐓𝐨 𝐀𝐜𝐭 𝐀𝐠𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐭 𝐏𝐚𝐮𝐥 𝐌𝐨𝐨𝐝𝐲? A report in today’s Irish Daily Mail and a related report by Conor Lally in The Irish Times focus on strong criticism from Garda Ombudsman Emily Logan over the historic handling of complaints against former garda Paul Moody, describing the failures of the Garda complaints system as “wholly unacceptable.” Speaking after serious questions emerged about how complaints against Moody were dealt with, Logan, who is Ireland’s first Police Ombudsman, heading Fiosrú, the Office of the Police Ombudsman, the independent body responsible for investigating complaints and allegations concerning members of An Garda Síochána, acknowledged that the system failed the woman who first raised concerns in 2017. The controversy centres on complaints made by Nicola Hanney, Moody’s then partner. During proceedings in the Circuit Criminal Court, Ms Hanney said she encountered “a wall of silence” from GSOC after making a complaint in 2017, alleging that her concerns were not acted upon. According to the reports, meaningful momentum in the case only developed years later after Moody’s home was searched by the Garda National Bureau of Criminal Investigation (GNBCI). Moody, now 46, has since been imprisoned for his offending. One report notes that he received a sentence amounting to six years imprisonment with fifteen months suspended, while another refers to him being jailed for four years and nine months in relation to offences against his first victim. The reporting underlines that, in the intervening period, Moody was not properly investigated and allegedly went on to subject another woman to years of abuse. Emily Logan, who has led Fiosrú since April 2025, said that although she was not personally involved in the original handling of the complaint, she had reviewed the case retrospectively and concluded that the outcome reached by the watchdog body was wrong. She said plainly that what happened to Moody’s first victim was “wholly unacceptable”, adding that the experience of making a complaint and not being heard or responded to is “not acceptable whatsoever.” In interviews with RTÉ Radio, Logan said she fully understood why a complainant in such circumstances would feel “very let down” by the experience. She revealed that she had written to Ms Hanney and offered to meet her personally, saying she wanted to show respect for someone who had endured a traumatic and deeply difficult period. Logan also outlined measures now being introduced within Fiosrú to reduce the risk of similar failures occurring again. These include new initiatives aimed at ensuring complaints are not overlooked and recognising the realities of how victims of abuse engage with complaint systems. One issue highlighted by Logan is that it is not unusual for victims in abusive circumstances to make complaints and later retract them. In response, she said former Rape Crisis Centre head Noeline Blackwell has been appointed to an advisory role within Fiosrú, suggesting an effort to strengthen the organisation’s understanding of victim dynamics and trauma informed responses.

𝐍𝐨 𝐀𝐮𝐭𝐨𝐦𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐅𝐨𝐫 𝐒𝐞𝐱𝐮𝐚𝐥 𝐀𝐛𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐒𝐮𝐫𝐯𝐢𝐯𝐨𝐫𝐬 𝐀𝐟𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐎𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐀𝐫𝐞 𝐑𝐞𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐞𝐝 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐏𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐨𝐧 A report in today’s Sunday Independent by Ali Bracken says a growing number of sexual abuse survivors are calling for a change in Irish law to protect victims when convicted offenders are released from prison, warning that the current system leaves them living in fear long after criminal proceedings end. At the centre of the campaign is Leona O’Callaghan, who says she is preparing to leave Ireland before the planned 2030 release of the man who raped her as a child in a Limerick graveyard. She says the prospect of his release is so terrifying that she has already discussed emigration with her adult children. Her attacker, Patrick “Whacker” O’Dea, is serving lengthy sentences for raping and sexually abusing multiple young girls and has continued to display violent behaviour while in prison. O’Callaghan says she feels she has “no protection” under the current law and fears her abuser could seek to contact or terrorise her after his release. She argues that survivors should not have to uproot their lives to feel safe. Campaigners are seeking the introduction of “Super Protection Orders”, which would allow judges, at the time of sentencing, to impose legally enforceable orders preventing convicted sex offenders from contacting or approaching victims after their release. At present, victims generally must wait until after release and then pursue civil restraining orders, often requiring evidence of new intimidation or harassment. The proposed legislation, the Victims of Sexual Violence Civil Protection Orders Bill 2025, has been put forward by Sinn Féin TD Matt Carthy, who says the law is designed to correct an “anomaly” in the legal system. According to Carthy, there is cross party backing for the proposals and he hopes the legislation can become law by the end of 2026. The Government did not oppose the bill at Second Stage, with a spokesperson for Justice Minister Jim O’Callaghan saying it aligns with the Government’s zero tolerance approach to domestic, sexual and gender based violence, while also stressing the need for constitutional and due process safeguards. Shaneda Daly, whose father pleaded guilty to 227 sexual offences against her, says she still lives with anxiety despite his release in 2018. Although a judge told her father never to contact her again, she later discovered there was no legal mechanism automatically enforcing such a direction once he left prison. She says there is always an underlying fear of contact or chance encounters and believes survivors deserve stronger protections. Sonya Stokes, whose uncle served ten years for raping her as a child, describes the trauma of living with constant fear after his release. She says she repeatedly worried about meeting him while visiting Limerick, only to later discover he had died months earlier without her being informed, despite expectations around victim notification. Paula Fay’s brothers were recently convicted and jailed for the prolonged sexual abuse of their sisters. She says she only recently learned that victims do not automatically receive legal protection from future contact by convicted abusers. Working in a hospital, she now worries about the possibility of one of her brothers being transferred to her workplace for treatment. Activist and survivor Hazel Behan, who co founded Éist, says survivors should not spend years pursuing justice only to emerge from the criminal process without meaningful protection once offenders return to society. She argues the proposed measures represent basic, humane safeguards. Donna Von Allemann of Rape Crisis Ireland says trauma for survivors does not end with conviction or imprisonment. Instead, the “clock starts ticking” toward eventual release, leaving many victims living with fear and uncertainty and without automatic legal protection.

𝐓𝐫𝐞𝐯𝐨𝐫 𝐁𝐨𝐥𝐠𝐞𝐫 𝐖𝐚𝐬 𝐂𝐨𝐧𝐯𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐎𝐟 𝐃𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐕𝐢𝐨𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞. 𝐒𝐡𝐨𝐮𝐥𝐝 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐑𝐀 𝐑𝐞𝐚𝐥𝐥𝐲 𝐁𝐞 𝐅𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐇𝐢𝐬 𝐅𝐢𝐠𝐡𝐭 𝐀𝐠𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐭 𝐑𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐯𝐚𝐥 𝐅𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐅𝐨𝐫𝐜𝐞? A report in The Sunday Independent by Ali Bracken and Maeve Sheehan says the former wife of ex detective garda Trevor Bolger has criticised the Garda Representative Association, the main representative body and largest staff association for rank and file members of An Garda Síochána, after it emerged that the organisation is funding his legal challenge against his dismissal from the force. Bolger, a former detective garda, was convicted earlier this year of assaulting his then wife, Margaret Loftus, herself a former garda. He received a three month suspended sentence in January after pleading guilty to assaulting her following a family gathering in Mayo in 2012. According to Ms Loftus, she ended the marriage the following day. More serious charges, including threats to kill and coercion, were dropped. Bolger had been due to leave the force at one minute to midnight last Wednesday. However, hours before his dismissal was due to take effect, he secured a High Court stay preventing his removal pending a judicial review of the Garda Commissioner’s decision. The report says a source close to the Garda Representative Association, or GRA, confirmed that the organisation is providing “legal assistance” to support Bolger’s judicial review proceedings. The GRA operates a Legal Assistance Scheme for members, and Bolger’s application for support is understood to have been approved by its central executive committee approximately two weeks ago. According to sources close to the association, the decision to support the legal action was based not on the underlying assault conviction but on what are described as broader procedural questions which could affect other garda members in future disciplinary cases. Margaret Loftus strongly questioned that reasoning and criticised the use of members’ subscriptions to fund the case. She asked whether ordinary GRA members had been consulted or were even aware that their weekly union contributions were being used in this way during financially difficult times. She went further, arguing that without the organisation’s financial backing, she did not believe the High Court challenge would be proceeding. Ms Loftus also pointed to what she described as a painful irony in her own dealings with the representative body. She said that during a difficult separation, and after a requested transfer to another Garda division was unexpectedly cancelled, she had approached the GRA seeking help but received no assistance. The report revisits Ms Loftus’s earlier public comments about her experiences following the assault case. Since Bolger’s conviction, she has spoken openly about what she says was a long struggle to bring charges and about the atmosphere she encountered within the organisation. Addressing the Oireachtas earlier this year, she said she experienced harassment, intimidation and hostility from some garda colleagues, and alleged there was support for Bolger within the force. The High Court was told last week that Garda management had informed Bolger that his dismissal was regarded as “necessary to maintain public confidence”. However, his legal representatives challenged the decision, citing other alleged cases involving gardaí convicted of assault who were sanctioned but not dismissed. Bolger’s legal team contends that the Garda Commissioner did not act properly in deciding to remove him from the force. The GRA, which is the largest garda union and representative body for ordinary garda members in Ireland, declined to comment publicly on the details of the case, saying it does not comment on matters involving named individual members.

𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐌𝐢𝐧𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐅𝐨𝐫 𝐄𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐑𝐞𝐟𝐮𝐬𝐞𝐬 𝐓𝐨 𝐒𝐚𝐲 𝐇𝐨𝐰 𝐌𝐚𝐧𝐲 𝐓𝐞𝐚𝐜𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐬 𝐖𝐨𝐫𝐤𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐈𝐧 𝐈𝐫𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐒𝐜𝐡𝐨𝐨𝐥𝐬 𝐇𝐚𝐯𝐞 𝐓𝐮𝐬𝐥𝐚 𝐅𝐨𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐂𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐝 𝐀𝐛𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐀𝐥𝐥𝐞𝐠𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐀𝐠𝐚𝐢𝐧𝐬𝐭 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐦 A report by Debbie McCann in today’s Mail on Sunday says the Department of Education is refusing to reveal how many teachers with “founded” abuse allegations are still working with children, despite growing concern over safeguarding and transparency in the education system. The report follows revelations published by the Irish Mail on Sunday last week concerning serious allegations made against the current principal of a special needs school in Dublin. According to Tusla, allegations of abuse and bullying made against the principal while he worked as a teacher and housemaster at Good Counsel College in New Ross were deemed “founded”, meaning the State child protection agency upheld them. Those allegations date back to a former pupil of St John of God’s Bellmayne Community Special School. The pupil alleged that, as a vulnerable teenager, he was forced to stand outdoors in his underpants as punishment. The issue was raised in the Dáil last week by Social Democrats deputy Eoin Ó Catháin, who asked Education Minister Hildegarde Naughton what action had been taken to address concerns among parents of children attending the special needs school. The TD also sought clarification on whether the Department had informed the school’s patron body, Dublin and Dún Laoghaire Education and Training Board, about the allegations. In her response, Minister Naughton said her department has “no powers to investigate child protection concerns”, arguing that responsibility lies with Tusla, which has the statutory role in assessing child welfare and protection reports. She told the Dáil that any child welfare concern or allegation received by her department is immediately passed to the appropriate authorities. However, the response drew criticism from campaigner and alleged victim Páidí Manning, who questioned whether the minister’s answer amounted to little more than “a glorified press release”. Speaking to the Mail on Sunday, Manning said: “Nobody is asking Ms Naughton to investigate child protection concerns. Tusla investigated John Condon for abuse and deemed [the allegations] ‘founded’.” He argued that the real issue is how individuals who face upheld abuse findings are able to continue slipping through what he described as the cracks in the Irish school system. The report highlights a controversial policy revealed by the Mail on Sunday last week: teachers whose abuse allegations have been upheld by Tusla are not obliged to disclose those findings to future employers, even when they leave one school and seek work elsewhere. Former employees of Mr Condon reportedly told the paper they had been kept in the dark about the 2023 findings against him. The article further notes that the Catholic Primary Schools Management Association hosted a webinar in which Mr Condon lectured on child protection while under investigation by Tusla. According to the report, some participants only became aware of the allegations through media coverage. Down Syndrome Ireland, where Mr Condon also sat on a board until last year, is said not to have been informed of the allegations or the subsequent Tusla investigation. On vetting procedures, the report states that Gardaí confirmed to the Mail on Sunday that a Tusla “founded” allegation is not included in Garda vetting documentation “as a matter of course”. Asked what safeguards apply to potential future hires, a Garda spokesperson said concerns received by Tusla are passed to Garda Síochána where appropriate and added that “complete Garda vetting and reference checks for all potential hires” remain advisable. The Dept of Education did not answer the newspaper’s questions on how many teachers with “founded” abuse findings are working in schools.

The reason the middle class voice in Ireland is now so fragmented is because many middle class Irish workers are in absolute shock at what has been done to them. This was always the class that worked, paid for things and played by the rules. NGOs campaigned for low income groups. High income people had politics sewn up. But the middle class paid for the system and were still able to live. Now the middle class worker cannot afford to buy a home, faces marginal tax rates of up to 52%, is forced to fund a welfare system, and then watched the Government add another new protected class through a broken asylum system. There is no one standing up for them anymore. Many were raised to be mannerly, follow the rules and keep going, which is why the anger is often quieter than people expect.

“𝐖𝐞 𝐖𝐚𝐧𝐭 𝐎𝐮𝐫 𝐕𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐦𝐬 𝐓𝐨 𝐊𝐧𝐨𝐰 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐲 𝐖𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐁𝐞 𝐋𝐢𝐬𝐭𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐝 𝐓𝐨”: 𝐏𝐫𝐨𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐞 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐞𝐬 𝐀𝐟𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐏𝐚𝐮𝐥 𝐌𝐨𝐨𝐝𝐲 𝐕𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐦 𝐒𝐚𝐲𝐬 𝐒𝐡𝐞 𝐖𝐚𝐬 “𝐌𝐞𝐭 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐒𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐧𝐜𝐞” A report in today’s Irish Examiner examines the return to prison of former garda Paul Moody, one of Ireland’s earliest and most high profile coercive control cases, and uses it to explore wider questions about repeat domestic abuse, institutional failures, and proposals for a domestic violence register. This week, Moody, 46, was jailed again after pleading guilty to harassment and coercive control involving a second woman between 2016 and 2017. While pregnant with his child, the woman received a message from Moody saying: “I hope you bleed out and die.” He also threatened to send intimate images to her employer. The woman had reported Moody to GSOC, now Fiosrú, in 2017 but said she was “met with silence” while Moody continued serving as a garda. She believes that had her complaint been acted upon, Nicola Hanney, who later endured years of abuse by Moody, might have been spared. The report recounts Nicola Hanney’s story. Having survived a cancer diagnosis, she met Moody online. After the relationship deteriorated she left, but later returned after becoming pregnant and facing a return of her cancer. She suffered four years of abuse before Moody was jailed in 2022 for coercive control. On the day she gave birth, he told her he had come to hospital to “watch her bleed out”. The article highlights how both cases came to light almost by accident. The unnamed woman’s complaint emerged during the investigation into Moody’s abuse of Hanney, while Hanney’s own case was uncovered only after suspicious gardaí investigating an unrelated allegation examined Moody’s phone and identified signs of an abusive relationship. It then turns to calls for a domestic violence register, championed by Jason Poole, brother of murdered mother Jennifer Poole. He argues that if people could check whether a partner had a history of domestic abuse convictions, lives might be saved. Justice Minister Jim O’Callaghan has advanced legislation known as Jennie’s Law, which would create a register for perpetrators of domestic, sexual and gender based violence, though it has not yet become law. The report also features the case of murdered mother of two Daena Walsh. Her brother, Callum Walsh, believes his sister would still be alive had stronger protections existed. Her killer, Adam Corcoran, had 42 previous convictions and was on bail for a violent offence just ten days before murdering her in 2024. The article returns to concerns about institutional responses to domestic abuse. It notes that GSOC opened an investigation into the complaint about Moody in 2017 but discontinued it in 2023 after delays. Fiosrú, which replaced GSOC, established a specialist unit in 2025 to investigate complaints involving gardaí accused of domestic violence, coercive control, sexual abuse or failures to properly handle abuse reports. As of April, it was investigating 12 cases involving garda alleged to be perpetrators and 23 cases involving alleged failures in handling domestic or sexual abuse complaints. The report concludes with the wider national picture. Seven women died violently last year and four have already been killed this year. Since 1996, 282 women and 21 children have died in incidents involving violent deaths of women. One in two femicide victims is killed by a current or former intimate partner and 87 per cent of women killed are killed by a man they knew. Domestic abuse remains widespread. Gardaí reported a 10 per cent rise in reported domestic abuse incidents in the first four months of this year compared with the same period in 2025, with more than 1,000 reports now being made every week. Marking Go Purple Day, Assistant Commissioner Angela Willis said victims who come forward will be listened to, treated with respect and supported.