Didimo

I understand that immorality is more profitable than morality

For the past 4 days, this man has been stranded in the middle of a forest in Thika. He had gone to his farm when heavy flooding surrounded him from all sides, trapping him on a small patch of dry land in the center. Local people have attempted to rescue him, including using boats, but all efforts have failed. They are now urgently calling on the government to send a helicopter to airlift him to safety.

@edwinsifuna I see people excited that the standard media group canceled sifuna on radio jambo and brought him on the situation room in spice fm🤣🤣

Jambo Jambo! Ni kuoga na kurudi soko…unavoidable circumstances ni wewe. Injili lazima iendelee #RutoMustGo

@Kibet_bull Kibet asking police to fight for his safety

Confirm gang of Nakuru switched their name to ‘Men in Black’ Police did a thorough search and some of the were caught with this. We want change in Nakuru.

@Mwarubainii @calvinokello4 Which promise??

@calvinokello4 Mt Kenya would have voted for Ruto with or without Uhuru. It's a decisive and compact voting block That's why Ruto is scared. He broke his promises to them

Nobody gave Ruto Mt. Kenya votes, he had it even before he picked his running mate. Unless you want to tell me that if Ruto did not pick Gachagua as running mate in 2022, Mt. Kenya would have voted for Raila.

@sholard_mancity Tell me how it reaches Malaba without passing through bungoma??

So I wasn’t wrong. Now, Luhya MPs and even a Kisii MP have said the same thing I raised earlier this year, today in parliament. That the SGR quietly sidelined Kakamega, Bungoma, and Vihiga. Vihiga Mp, Mp omboka, Mp Wanyonyi, and Mp Oundo have all raised it. They say the original plan that evnt the president promised was simple. It was to pass through; -Luanda (Vihiga) to serve Kakamega, -Mianga to serve Bungoma. With stations there. Then somewhere along the way, things changed. All routes and stations were quietly moved to Sondu, Siaya, Nyanza, and Sotik, with no clear explanation. And honestly, it doesn’t make sense. You skip busy, high-potential regions, like Vihiga Then take the railway to areas with less economic activity, then later wonder why the project isn’t paying for itself. If SGR is meant to sustain itself, shouldn’t it go where there’s real movement of goods and people? Even Moses Wetangula is now asking those in charge to fix it. So the question is simple: Who changed the plan, and why?

@sholard_mancity Now that you know what are you doing

This is disturbing. Someone has reached out to me from Kisangani, Congo. A Kenyan truck driver (KDJ 040C, Atlas Mar Co) was allegedly killed, his body dumped in the bush and left there for over 4 days, decomposing. Yes four days.. The body is just a few metres from there No response. No urgency. No dignity from anyone including in Congo. Is the family even aware? Does the company know? Or has he just been forgotten? If you know anything about the last driver who was using this truck or company, speak up. Share this. And we must start asking hard questions, why are Kenyan drivers increasingly becoming targets in Congo? This silence is unacceptable.

The "Goon" Label: A Deliberate Mischaracterisation of Kenya's Political & Economic Reality Any jobless Luo or Luhya youth with access to a political leader is quickly branded a "goon." This lazy characterisation ignores a deliberate historical pattern: communities whose leaders stood in principled opposition to successive governments were systematically locked out of state opportunities, forcing their people into self-reliance. The Historical Pattern of Political Exclusion The Kenyatta Era (1963–1978): The Original Sin The marginalisation began almost immediately after independence. When Jaramogi Oginga Odinga - then Vice President - broke with Jomo Kenyatta over ideological differences and the direction of the new nation, he didn't walk alone. The Luo community walked with him into the political wilderness. Jaramogi's formation of the Kenya People's Union (KPU) in 1966 was met with a swift and brutal response: mass detentions, the assassination of Tom Mboya in 1969, the Kisumu Massacre during Kenyatta's visit that same year, and the banning of KPU altogether. Luo professionals, civil servants, and businesspeople found doors closing. State contracts, government appointments, and access to credit dried up for an entire community perceived as "disloyal" to the regime. The Moi Era (1978–2002): 24 Years of Systematic Exclusion Daniel Arap Moi perfected what Kenyatta had started, extending the punishment to anyone who dared dissent. When Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Masinde Muliro, and Martin Shikuku - along with others - agitated for multiparty democracy in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Western Kenya joined Nyanza in the cold. The original "Seven Bearded Sisters" (including Shikuku, Muliro, Oginga Odinga, and later figures like Raila Odinga, James Orengo, and others) paid dearly: detention without trial, exile, professional destruction. Raila Odinga spent years in detention. Masinde Muliro died in 1992 under circumstances many still question. Martin Shikuku was detained multiple times, his businesses collapsed, his family scattered. But here's what history often omits: their communities paid alongside them. When your Member of Parliament is in detention, your Senator is in exile, your regional leaders are marked as enemies of the state - there are no government tenders flowing to your area. No civil service recruitments. No infrastructure projects. No state bank loans. What do you do? You find an empty plot near the road. You set up a jua kali stand. You repair cars, weld gates, make furniture, hawk goods. You survive. The Kibaki & Uhuru Era (2002–2022): The Pattern Continues Even after the 2002 democratic transition, the pattern repeated. Raila Odinga's fallout with Mwai Kibaki after the 2005 referendum and the disputed 2007 election kept the Luo community largely outside the formal state apparatus. The 2013 and 2017 elections - both disputed - ensured another decade of exclusion. The Luhya community, fragmented as it was, followed similar trajectories. Leaders like Musalia Mudavadi, Moses Wetang'ula, and others oscillated between government and opposition, but the community's youth never fully benefited from the patronage systems that built the Kenyan middle class in other regions. The Mathematics of Exclusion: Kenya's "Goon Economy" Now consider the numbers: Kenya has approximately 18–19 million employed people. Of these: • Only about 3 million are in formal employment o Roughly 1 million in government (national and county) o About 2 million in the formal private sector • The remaining 15 -16 million are in the informal sector - the jua kali economy This means over 80% of Kenya's workforce operates outside any formal government recognition or protection. No NSSF. No NHIF (now SHA). No employment contracts. No job security. No pension. By the logic that labels politically active youth as "goons," 15 million Kenyans are goons. The mama mboga supplying vegetables to your estate? Goon. The fundi who fixed your gate? Goon. The boda boda rider who gets you to work? Goon. The mechanic in Ngara or Kisumu who keeps your car running? Goon. The young graduate running errands for a politician because no bank or NGO called them back? Goon. The Luo and Luhya Dominance in Jua Kali: By Design, Not Accident It is not coincidental that the Luo and Luhya communities dominate Kenya's informal sector and produce large numbers of politically aware, unemployed youth. This is the direct, measurable consequence of 60 years of political exclusion. When your leaders are in opposition, your community is locked out of: • Civil service recruitment (which historically favoured communities "in government") • State tenders and contracts • Agricultural subsidies and cooperative support • Infrastructure investments that create formal jobs • Access to state-linked credit facilities What remains? Hustle. Innovation. Self-employment. The informal economy. And yes - political engagement. Because when the state has abandoned you, politics becomes the only avenue to demand inclusion. The Weaponisation of the "Goon" Label The "goon" label serves a specific political purpose: to delegitimise political participation by economically marginalised youth. Notice who gets called a goon: • A young person from Nyanza who works with a political campaign? Goon. • A Luhya youth who provides security or logistics for a rally? Goon. • A blogger from Kisumu or Kakamega who supports an opposition figure? Goon. The Hypocrisy: No Politician is Innocent Let us be clear: there is no politician in Nyanza, Western Kenya - or anywhere in Kenya - who has not worked with these young men and women we dismissively call goons. Every campaign relies on them. Every rally is organised by them. Every voter mobilisation depends on them. They are the Personal Assistants, the security details, the social media teams, the logistics coordinators, the crowd mobilisers. When they work for your candidate, they are "the youth." When they work for your opponent, they become "goons" and "hired hooligans." Wacheni ufala. Instead of stigmatising politically engaged youth from marginalised communities, we should be asking: 1. Why does Kenya's economy only produce formal jobs for 3 million people out of 19 million workers? 2. Why are certain communities overrepresented in the informal sector? (Hint: it correlates almost perfectly with time spent in political opposition) 3. What would it take to formalise and recognise the 15 million Kenyans currently operating in the jua kali economy? 4. How do we create pathways for young people to participate in politics without being labelled criminals? The young Luo man running a digital media operation for a politician is not a goon - he is an entrepreneur locked out of formal employment. The young Luhya woman organising logistics for a campaign is not a thug - she is a project manager who never got the interview at Safaricom. You will not brand every one of our young people as a goon simply because they are politically active and economically excluded. The real goon economy is the one that produces 800,000 graduates annually and only 80,000 formal jobs. The real goons are the systems that have kept entire communities out of the mainstream economy for six decades.

@Goldfield6 Minus 52 million kenyas??

Numbers never lie. 2027 we shall experience tyranny of numbers. 1) kikuyus 8.5 million 2) luhyas 7.6 million 3) kambas 6.5 million 4) kisii 2.4 million 25 million solid votes tell me how wantam is not inevitable. If sifuna is presidential flag bearer, asubuhi mapema

@tonykaromo If mulima has 7.5m qnd they gave ruto 80 % in the Last election how come he he won by just a mere 7.1m

Assume that: All registered voters in Rift Valley counties fully affiliated to Ruto turn out to vote at 100%: Fully affiliated: Uasin Gishu - 506,138 Kericho - 428,067 Nandi - 406,288 Bomet - 376,985 Baringo - 281,053 West Pokot - 220,026 Elgeyo Marakwet - 213,884 Samburu -100,014 Turkana - 238,528 Total: 2,770,983 votes Semi-Affiliated: Laikipia - 263,012 Narok - 398,784 Trans Nzoia - 398,784 Kajiado - 463,273 Nakuru - 1,054,856 Give Ruto half of each, Total: 762,426 Now Rift Valley gives Ruto 3,533,409 at 100% turnout😂. At a normal turnout, an approximate number would be 2.1 m votes. Lets go to North Eastern, maybe he'll get it: Mandera - 217,030 Wajir - 207,758 Gatussa - 201,473 Marsabit - 166,912 Isiolo - 89,504 Total at 100% turn out: 882,677 Total at normal turnout: 300,000 😂😂😂😂 3,533, 409 + 882,677 = 4.4m at 100% turnout 2,500,000 + 300,000 = 2.8m at normal turnout. 😁 Lets say he steals and gets few here and there from other regions 1 million: 5.4m at 100% turnout 3.8m at normal turnout 😁 Assume that Luo Nyanza gives him 100% votes: 5.4m + 1.2m = 6.6m at 100% turnout 3.8m + 500k = 4.3m at normal turnout Both figures are lower than what he won with in 2022 (7.1m). Consider the Gen Z votes is coming. And Mt Kenya is going in with a 7.5m headstart at 100%, 6m at normal turnout to the opposition. Luwere, Kasongo, luwereeee, Luweree, luwereeeeee............he can't steal that margin.

Sometimes Newsrooms embarrasses Journalism. The Mbiruri play was not “banned” over a mention of Singapore, it simply didn’t qualify for Nationals. It took different qualifying positions from Sub-County, through County, and finished 4th at Regionals. That is the reality. Did @NationAfrica, look at the winning plays in the Eastern region? Very strong items. Please let us not politicised theatre in schools. And the rule on politics? It is not new. It has always been in the rulebook. Plays that prioritize a school setting and child based themes carry the day and this year there are quite some intriguing pieces, make sometime to watch them dear NATION Newsroom. Not every story is a scandal. Do not twist facts just to chase a headline. Importantly, it is a competition, some plays just do not win. The Mbiruri play even at County Level was second, not the winning play. Your reporter actually captured that, but the Newsroom chose a shortcut in the misleading headline. The Mbiruri play was Number 4. Outside the automatic qualification of Top Two/ Three plays. #SystemYaFacts

@sholard_mancity You don't loose money by feeling It's either taken or given

I was following the Rigathi Gachagua & Kalonzo Musyoka rally in Ukambani and wow... 👀 Gachagua just gave “Kasongo” a new nickname, “Kingei / King’ehi” (Kamba for thief) And the crowd went WILD 🔥 But jokes aside... If you look at it objectively, is he really wrong? Because right now, it feels like money is being looted left, right, and center, from platforms like eCitizen and beyond.

@BOflexin_ @KijanayaKabras When now ruto mentions anything about gachagua you want evidence??

@KijanayaKabras Gachagua knows everything they were planning with this looter of course. And we need him to say it all ndio sasa ikuje wazi vizuri

It’s high time we start believing what Rigathi Gachagua says about Ruto and this country in general. A few weeks ago when he appeared on an interview he mentioned something about Ruto owning Fuliza M-PESA, eCitizen, a hotel in Maasai Mara, Samburu Park and more, including efforts to grab Nairobi hospital, which later sparked social media reactions. Remember, Rigathi Gachagua, DCP Party leader, insisted that most of the above-mentioned properties and assets were recently acquired. Ata kama kuna baadhi ya watu wenye wanamchukia Riggy G, Intel yake ni ya hali ya juu na anatusaidia kujua what might be happening within this region. Hamuoni leo issues M-PESA imekuwa nayo? Siku moja tutaamka tukose kupata pesa zetu ndo muanze kuamini hii story!

@HERachelTabitha Do you know who was contracted for the expressway???

Just remembered Trevor Ombija asking why KSM-Malaba SGR contract should be made public yet it’s a Public Private Partnership, and I was like OMG, huyu ndio anataka kuingia bunge ? 😭

@CopShakurkihara It's been awhile since I heard bad advice

Allan Ademba,came up with the slogan "Niko Kadi",IEBC should consider paying him,and making him an ambassador. IEBC has a budget of 538.7Million to conduct voter education/Civil education and advertisement before the next general elections. IEBC is going to spend millions on civic education, asking people to go register and vote, and this campaign has just done that. So many young people are coming out to register as voters. In 2002 the electrol body came up with the slogan "Kadi Mkononi", it also had a slogan in"Jitokeze" in 2012. 2026/2027,it should remain "Niko Kadi". Ademba Inafaa atoke block,Tag IEBC in the comment section.

The youth of this country are our future and I challenge you to fight tribalism and all its ills

Nigerians come to Kenya visa-free but Nigeria is denying Kenyans visas after applying, paying $80, submitting flight + hotel bookings, invitation letters etcetera. How is this acceptable?

The expose by @ntvkenya is chilling and horrendous on how 2007 General Presidential Elections was bungled that led to the loss of lives, destruction of property and almost the country went into civil war. The subversion of the will of the people is an international criminal offence that must be punished . I challenge the investigative agencies to move with speed and investigate these crimes and prosecute the perpetrators because criminal offences does not have limitation of time. This is also to prevent future recurrence.

When Barack Obama was choosing his Vice Presidential candidate he had three criteria. He picked someone less smart than him With less talent and charisma And could not possibly outshine him, and so he picked Joe Biden. Biden in 2020 used the exact same criteria to pick Kamala Haris. President Uhuru Kenyatta's greatest shortcoming was to pick someone smarter than him, with more talent and charisma to be his deputy. Although I can not really blame him, Ruto was the only option he had. Uhuru however should have worked hard to make sure his deputy did not outshine him. He regrets it. The reason why Ruto settled for Gachagua was based on Obama's criteria. Gachagua has no intellect to match Ruto's, if he did Ruto would not have been able to impeach him. This is the same reason why it would be difficult for any of the opposition presidential hopefuls to settle on Sifuna as his deputy. A Presidents worst nightmare is a smart outshining deputy.

The Great @ManUtd back to our winning ways. Weka Mawe! Point ni tatu. 💪😎 #GGMU @premierleague

Proud of this team, proud of our fans !! Come on @ManUtd !! 💪🏽