Madi Kapparov

Thread archive Most threads focus on Russia and sometimes Kazakhstan. A mix of history, current events, and economics.

The numbers can tell a story, but it does not mean the Kremlin is looking to end the war anytime soon. 9/9

However, discussing the Russian economy without the context of the Kremlin's political objectives and Russian cultural traits of stubborn tolerance to hardship is an exercise in futility. 8/

While the crisis in the Strait of Hormuz continues and Western constituents and, by extension, elected officials are focused on the inflationary shock caused by the crisis, some very interesting opinions on the state of the ru economy have been published in the past month. 1/

1/2 У Львові відкрили меморіальну таблицю Джохару Дудаєву – першому президенту Чеченської Республіки Ічкерія, герою чеченського народу та символу боротьби за свободу. На урочистості присутні, зокрема, прем'єр-міністр Чеченської Республіки Ічкерія (у вигнанні) Ахмед Закаєв.

... and there it is

Oh, the SVR dropped a new gem...

‼️Statement on the Orbán Government Accusing Me, an Investigative Journalist, of Espionage‼️ Today, the Hungarian government has filed a complaint against me for espionage. Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU member state. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes. I have spent over a decade documenting how Russian spies and interests have penetrated Hungarian politics, so I am probably the least surprised by this. Despite growing signs that the Hungarian government acts as a Kremlin ally and copies the Russian model, I still trust that parts of the Hungarian state—and the judiciary—follow the Hungarian constitution, not that of the Russian Federation. I have never engaged in espionage. I see my work as journalistic counterintelligence—from exposing the hacking of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry by Russian actors to revealing the activities of Hungarian pro-Kremlin propagandists. Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures. If I were not a journalist, I could list many facts proving it is impossible for the Hungarian state to genuinely believe I am spying. Certain meetings, contacts, and information gathering could never have happened otherwise. This baseless accusation now forces me to share details of a specific investigation, including a conversation with a confidential source that appears to have been wiretapped. Normally, this would appear in a finished article or my upcoming book—not here. (It will appear there as well.) Since 2023, I have investigated whether the relationship between Péter Szijjártó and Russian officials exceeds legal limits. The published audio, where I’m heard talking to a source, mentions that communication between Szijjártó and Sergey Lavrov is recorded by EU intelligence services. Less attention has gone to my point that this relationship raises strong suspicion of political intelligence activity and influence operations in Russia’s interest. These are serious claims and hard to prove. As a journalist, I cannot force anyone to speak or hand over documents. That is why gathering this information has taken so long—and why I spoke to that sensitive source (while the conversation was secretly recorded). Serious claims require serious evidence, and I believe I have gathered some. I have not engaged in espionage. I have not cooperated with any foreign intelligence service in surveilling Szijjártó. Instead, I tried to verify earlier fragments of information about Szijjártó–Lavrov communication. I sought to identify the channels and phone numbers used, and whether a secret channel—possibly used by Russian intelligence—exists. In other words, whether Szijjártó uses a hidden device or number unknown even within the Hungarian Foreign Ministry. This was only one part of my research. The other, more serious topic is this: Since at least 2016–2017, EU and NATO intelligence services have had indications that large amounts of cash and precious stones may have been transported from Russia on Hungarian government aircraft or private jets used by government figures. Officials from at least six countries made such claims to me. These signals did not come from monitoring Hungarian targets, but, for example, from intercepting Russian officials discussing or preparing such shipments. Alongside Szijjártó–Lavrov communication, I examined how baggage screening and handling works on such flights, which officials travel with what luggage, whether more packages arrive from Moscow than depart, and how such shipments could be handled discreetly. I know how serious this is, and I would not have written even this much—but since I do not know what else may be taken from the edited recording, or what fabricated accusations (like, for example, that I was seeking such details to commit terrorism) may follow, I believe I must share this now. Why do I investigate all this? According to many sources familiar with the Hungarian state and counterintelligence, there is no independent body in the Orbán system able to investigate or act if a senior official is suspected of espionage. Government members direct intelligence services and set expectations. The services lack both tools and authority to investigate a government member. I knew this would be difficult when I chose to pursue it. But few people in Hungary can or dare to do this, so I felt it was my duty. We have now reached the point where the Orbán government—of which Szijjártó is still a member—aware of my reporting plans and the risk they pose, has preemptively accused me of espionage. I am a Hungarian patriot. I serve the public. As an investigative journalist, my job is to hold power accountable. Neither political theater nor legal threats will deter me.

Many Ukrainians forced to flee in the last years of their lives are not just leaving a structure in which they live, but homes they built themselves. They poured everything into their homes. They are leaving behind a part of themselves. Just heartbreaking.

Эхо Москвы и Лубянка. Что делать, когда у совести нации стоят макароны youtu.be/Bmt8wN8gyi4 В Италии на главный канал РАИ приглашен Евгений Киселев. Он будет в прайм тайм вести шоу “Будущее Италии”. Соведущие Игорь Яковенко, Матвей Ганапольский и Алексей Венедиктов Не поверили? Правильно сделали. Как это возможно, чтобы московские инструктора из пятого отдела КГБ были приглашены в Италию учить итальянцев жизни в Италии. А как возможно, чтобы эти деятели десятилетиями инструктировали Украину? Только есть одно отличие. Италию эти деятели не оккупировали, а Украину Россия - оккупировала и мучила много веков. И вместо того, чтобы избавиться от влияния оккупантов на главных каналах представители главного карательного органа ведут шоу, склоняют забыть историю, склоняют отказаться от героев, стесняться их. Вместо того, чтобы на украинских каналах с 1992 года показывать преступления России против Грузии, Азербайждана, Молдовы, а потом против Ичкерии, потакали России и скрывали правду. Только герои из УНА-УНСО и Антиимперского Блока НАродов заняли позицию. Они знали, что следом будет агрессия против Украины. Опять. А Невзоров хохотал над украинцами из УНА УНСО и называл их грязью. В Москве всегда с большой помпой отмечали каждый юбилей любимого медиа Эхо Москвы. Венедиктов, совесть нации, всегда по-купечески гулял в заведении приблатненного друга мэра москвы Зураба Церетели. Кто пришел напиться, кто пришел подраться. Кто пришел послушать свежих новостей. Одним словом, совесть нации. Какая нация, такая и совесть. Вот и сейчас Живой гвоздь, (так теперь называется Эхо Москвы), является совестью нации и располагается в центре Москвы. В день весеннего равноденствия 21 марта 2016 года, на этой уважаемой всеми москвичами станции выступили Матвей Ганапольский, Юлия Латынина, Максим Кац, культуролог Юзефович, а у Алексея Венедиктова интервью взял Сергей Бунтман. Все как всегда. Потому что у Москвичей совесть не может меняться. Совесть не продается. Созданное Филиппом Бобковым и его пятым управлением КГБ СССР в 1990 году Эхо Москвы. Фокус группа - те, кто прочитал роман Мастер и Маргарита и кто не отдаст 9 мая и деды воевали. (Бунтман) Работники Бобковского Агитпропа в критические моменты для Грузии, Украины и других стран посылались в командировку главные каналы, чтобы посредством телевизионных шоу и голосований по ключевым вопросам для Грузии и Украины отрегулировать совесть и сделать тюнинг совести. Так Ганапольский был командирован в Тбилиси работать на канал ПИК с опергруппой Эха Москвы, такими как Куроптев. Тот, который из структуры Будаевой Арно Фри Раша и который стоит за “российской антивоенной инициативой Фабрики Эльфов, такой же фабрики Троллей, только не из Ольгино, а из Тбилиси. И который запустил по системе Ходорковского Ковчег тысячи релокантов через Тбилиси в Европу. В ГРузии Ганапольский провел успешный тюнинг к приходу правительства Иванишвили и оправился в приоритетное направление. В Украину. Куда уже были командированы Вера Кричевская (основатель Дождя), Евгений Киселев, Савик Шустер и другие товарищи от системы Совести Нации. Главное при тюнинге не забывать, что для украинцев приоритетами должны быть Роман Мастер и Маргарита и 9 мая. В сегодняшнем информационном пространстве Украины есть Киселев, есть Ганапольский, есть Яковенко и Фейгин, есть Ольга Курносова, Жирнов, Гужков, Соловей, сморчок Морозов, Ольга Романова. И нет Юрия Михальчишина. Юрия Михальчишина, который написал книгу “Чекисты против националистов”, в которой он разложил по полкам, как работает Лубянка с 1918 года по сегодняшний день.

The only country that could ever end the American Century has always been the US.

I want to apologize to my followers that my feed is full of @buymeacoffee posts. There is an ongoing Orbán government–style, Russia-inspired smear campaign against me, aimed at discrediting my not even yet published story on the details of FM Péter Szijjártó’s leaks and communication with Sergey Lavrov. The result is thousands of people showing their support and appreciation for my work, boosting my visibility like never before. The best advertisement one can get for my upcoming book on how Putin’s spies infiltrated Hungary and its political elite. Yes, that book is due in 2026. And there are some great memes too—thanks to the anonymous author!

“In this video, I want to share a touching story that took place in Almaty. In 2016, a dog fell into the Sayran reservoir and couldn’t get out because of the smooth banks. A young man tried to rescue it but couldn’t do it alone. That’s when a group of people formed a human chain, holding hands, and together they rescued both the dog and the young man. Now, 10 years later, that act of solidarity has been turned into a sculpture inaugurated in March 2026. This monument not only immortalizes the rescue of a little dog, but also shows how art can serve as a bridge between emotion and action. Through a small being, this human chain reminded us that when we come together, we can overcome barriers, save lives, and, as a society, build a more compassionate and united future.” Via instagram.com/reel/DWM0YsMka… #almaty #RescueStory #Solidarity #HumanChain

Both suggest that Moscow now has the financial means and motivation to continue the war well into the 2030s if the Urals remain at $90+ levels.

2. Energy shock sent European sovereign bond yields to multiyear highs, putting EU leaders in a tough spot with government spending and making continued aid to Ukraine more expensive.

Daily mission creep from the WH driving up the oil price has two major implications for Russia: 1. Taxation at the well for the MET happens at the prevailing Urals blend price, which currently sits at $110 per barrel vs. budgeted ~$59 for 2026.