Pinaki Bhattacharya

In Gujarat this week, ahead of #Eid-Al-Adha or Bakrid, members of Bajrang Dal and other Hindu right-wing cow protection groups attacked four or five trucks loaded with goats. The goats were being transported from the town of Nadiad to other areas of the state for sacrifice during the Eid al Azha. The Hindutva activists beat up the truck drivers, dragged them to the police station, and cases were filed against the drivers.   Hindutva groups regard the cow as sacred (calling it "Gau Mata") and actively oppose the slaughtering of the animal in #India. Over the past few years, they have lynched many Muslims on suspicion of cow smuggling, slaughter, or possession of beef. Hindus do not worship goats or consider them holy. So why are they now opposing Muslims sacrificing goats during the annual Qurbani festival, as seen in this Gujarat incident?   Hindus regularly sacrifice goats at the Kali temple in West Bengal and at various other temples in Assam, Odisha, Tamil Nadu, and elsewhere. They also sacrifice goats during different Hindu rituals throughout the year. Moreover, in West Bengal alone, where there are at least one lakh goat meat shops, 80–90% of the customers are Hindus. This means Hindus in India both perform goat sacrifices and consume goat meat. Yet, as this Gujarat incident shows, Hindutva groups are actively preventing Muslims from performing goat sacrifice.   In recent times, Hindutva cow vigilante groups in North India have intercepted trucks carrying buffaloes belonging to Muslims, seizing the animals and obstructing their transport to slaughterhouses, although buffaloes do not hold sacred status in Hinduism.   All these incidents make one thing clear: the real issue for these groups is not cows, goats, or any other animals. Their actual goal is to harass and oppress Muslims on any available pretext.   In BJP-ruled states across India, Hindutva activists routinely carry out such acts of harassment against Muslims. The police rarely take strong action against them because these groups serve as the foot soldiers of the BJP. They help keep the BJP in power and are pushing India toward becoming a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu nation). It is almost certain that in the future, India's Muslim minority will have to endure even more persecution and suffering.

Wow! What an incredible victory for the #BJP in West Bengal! This time the #Muslims of West Bengal have decided not to buy cows from Hindus for sacrifice during the #Eid-Al-Adha next week. The Hindu hardliners who claim cows as their mothers are very happy. Their gomata, or mother cow, has been saved from being slaughtered. Their saffron victory flags are fluttering everywhere. Sweet treats are even being shared in WhatsApp groups. But the decision by Muslims not to buy cows for sacrifice this time has created another trouble for many #Hindus in West Bengal. In West Bengal, poor Hindu farmers—especially those from traditional milkman communities—have long practiced cow rearing as part of their way of life. They work hard all year, gathering fodder and straw, often going into huge debts, and they care for the animals as they raise them. They dream of selling the cows to Muslims each year for the annual Eid sacrifice. Cows that no longer produce milk—such as oxen and aging cows—are often sold to Muslims, and the money earned enables Hindu farmers to purchase younger animals for rearing. They also use the money to purchase cattle feed and support their household expenses. But this year the Muslims of West Bengal have collectively decided not to buy cows from Hindus for sacrifice. Until the BJP formed the government in West Bengal a few days ago, Muslims in the state had been slaughtering cows normally. Cows could be slaughtered in villages, neighborhoods in towns and cities, or almost anywhere else. A few days ago, however, the new BJP government in the state ordered the strict enforcement of an old law related to cow slaughter. Muslims have been informed that they will not be allowed to slaughter any cow under 14 years of age in the state, whether for Qurbani or any other purpose. In addition, they must first obtain a government certificate declaring the animal fit for slaughter. Cows must be slaughtered only in government-approved slaughterhouses. The government has announced that anyone violating these rules will face fines and imprisonment. Numerous #Hindutva cow-protection groups aligned with the BJP, similar to the Hindutva vigilante groups in North India, have sprung up across West Bengal. These groups are harassing and intimidating both Muslims and Hindus who transport cows for buying or selling purposes. In North India, cow vigilantes have for years targeted and killed many Muslims over allegations of transporting cows for processing or consumption. Under the BJP’s rule in West Bengal, there is now also a growing risk of lynching or police harassment related to the buying or slaughtering of cows. Because of the renewed enforcement of the cow-slaughter law under the new BJP government in the state and pressure from Hindutva groups, Muslims in West Bengal have decided that they will not offer cow sacrifices this year, and therefore, they will also stop buying cattle from Hindus. Almost all of these Hindu farmers voted for the BJP in the West Bengal elections last month. After coming to power in West Bengal, the BJP has taken a big step towards ending cow slaughter. These Hindu farmers are now cursing and abusing the BJP government for stopping the sale of their cows to Muslims. Now I don't know whether Hindutva has been saved by taking a big step towards stopping cow slaughter, but Hindu farmers are sitting on the streets as beggars in West Bengal. Hindus have been the first victims of communal politics in the state since the BJP came to power earlier this month. Hail Lord Ram. Hail Mother Cow. And, hail the Hindu farmers who voted the BJP to power, yet now are facing severe economic distress under the new Hindu nationalist state government.

Mother Cow has four legs, a tail, and two impressive horns. Her “offspring,” meanwhile, walk around with just two legs, zero horns, and apparently no spine. Looks like they couldn’t even manage to be proper calves. What a tragic family disappointment.

The other day, someone asked me, "Say, do you think Asif Nazrul made a fortune while serving as an advisor in the last interim government of #Bangladesh?" ​ I responded: "What I think about this matter is entirely beside the point. Asif-bhai has challenged his accusers countless times, asking them to produce evidence backing such allegations. None of them has ever been able to do so." I have had my fair share of grievances regarding Asif-bhai – all of them political in nature. Most of my complaints were to do with his management failures. Of course, I have discussed these issues with him face-to-face; I have also addressed them publicly on my video show. If the need arises, I will speak up about the issues again. Indeed, I raised these points not to berate Asif-bhai, but rather to offer constructive criticism – so that he might recognise his errors and take steps to rectify them, in order to avoid similar mistakes in the future. Among all the advisors to the Yunus administration, Asif-bhai is the one with whom I have engaged in heated arguments and angry confrontations most frequently. Our latest dispute concerned the legal cases involving Major Zia. I wanted Major Zia to emerge from his accursed state of hiding and step back into the public eye. Asif-bhai made an honest effort to facilitate this, but was ultimately unsuccessful. To his credit, he never retaliated against me with anger. The biggest problem with the "Bangus" – a certain detestable type of Bengalis – is that whenever they find themselves unable to intellectually counter an opponent, they resort to hitting below the belt. Consequently, my strategy is to fight fire with fire – to engage in double the amount of "Bangu-esque" absurdity when dealing with such people. If Asif Nazrul has indeed partook in corrupt activities, the truth will inevitably come to light, sooner or later. Wealth achieved through ill means does not remain secret for long; it eventually manifests itself. You will be able to see it as clear as day – whether today or tomorrow. Just like a bowel movement, corruption is something that simply cannot be kept under wraps forever. My suggestion to Asif-bhai is simple: Since you are not the type of person who can engage in that kind of "double-Bangu" absurdity to fight back, stop wasting your time responding to these allegations. Wait until someone actually comes forward with concrete evidence; that is the right time to speak up and present your own facts. Regardless of whatever mistakes, flaws, or weaknesses you may have – especially in the wake of August 5th - your contributions to the nation far outweigh them. All the anti-fascism activists, with whom you once fought shoulder to shoulder, are your siblings and kin. It is your duty to protect them diligently. Let political parties squabble amongst themselves; as long as these sacred bonds remain intact within civil society, Bangladesh will not fall prey to fascism again. If not, a grim fate awaits us all. To those engaging in these mindless little fights: I say, rein yourselves in. If you have evidence, present it clearly; otherwise, back off. Do not claim later that I did not warn you. I listened to Tarique Rahman’s lengthy concluding address in Parliament. His statesmanlike speech significantly dispelled the dark clouds created by incoherent BNP rhetoric, divisive statements from MPs and ministers, delays over the July Charter, and Chhatra Dal hooliganism in educational institutions. That is why I genuinely struggle to reconcile how – right under this very Tarique Rahman’s watch – the ordinance regarding enforced disappearances could be repealed. How, in his very presence, could "Shillong" Salahuddin declare that they signed the July Charter specifically to ensure that the interim administration would have no pretext to delay the elections? Perhaps @trahmanbnp has finally realised that, in the midst of this crisis, there is no other way left to save the country. I wish to still remain optimistic. If the July Charter is fully implemented, the law against enforced disappearances is properly enforced, and the Judicial Secretariat is established without delay, a door to immense possibilities will open for Bangladesh. We would feel reassured once the implementation of the July Charter is complete, the law regarding enforced disappearances is effectively enforced, and legislation concerning the Judicial Secretariat is enacted without delay. Provided the commitment to the July Charter remains firm, and there is a clear stand against both Indian hegemony and Awami fascism, every citizen should support the government. However, to achieve that, the #BNP must first be liberated from the clutches of the pro-India elements lurking within its own ranks. Tarek Rahman is surrounded by nothing but Indian stooges. Will they allow him to realise his political wishes and aspirations?

Demands are high for Asaduzzaman Noor's release. But when he was MP in 2013, 3 BNP & Shibir activists were killed after his motorcade was attacked. The main accused was then extrajudicially killed & hundreds of #BNP-#Jamaat men were jailed. We can't let such murderers walk free.

Sheikh Hasina awarded Adani in India the contract to supply power to #Bangladesh. Following that precedent, @trahmanbnp is now moving toward contracts that would send imported crude oil to a refinery in #India for processing. Many people describe #Pakistan as an oppressor, yet more than six decades ago Pakistan established the Eastern Refinery Limited (ERL) in what is now Bangladesh. Since then, no major refinery has been built by Bangladeshi or Bengali nationalist governments. During the British era, jute grown in East Bengal was shipped to Kolkata for processing in its jute mills. A similar pattern is emerging again with crude oil: instead of importing crude oil at lower prices and refining it domestically in Bangladesh, the proposal is to send it to India for refining and then repurchase the refined fuel at a much higher cost that includes India’s profit margin. We know that ERL currently processes only light-to-medium crude and is unable to handle heavier grades. The government should move on a war footing to establish the planned second unit, ERL-2, enabling the refinery to process a much broader range of crude types, including heavier grades. During the Pakistan era, East Pakistan’s jute industry expanded rapidly. Within only two decades, the number of jute mills in East Pakistan exceeded those in West Bengal, and many of those mills were equipped with machinery more advanced than that used in the Indian state’s mills. Most of the mill owners in our country were Bengalis from East Pakistan rather than West Pakistanis. After Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, however, India stripped East Pakistan’s mills of their modern machinery. Some mills, such as Adamjee Jute Mills, had been owned by migrant communities. At a time when the jute industry in East Pakistan was thriving in much the same way Bangladesh’s garment industry thrives today, the industry in independent Bangladesh eventually declined. A major reason for that collapse was that large amounts of machinery were allegedly removed from the mills and taken to India.

When the executive editor of @NetraNews publicly celebrates a mob attack, it is not merely a personal moral failure – it is an institutional confession.   Netra News has built its entire brand on the claim that a journalist’s primary duty is to document state-sponsored violence, extrajudicial killings, and political persecution. Yet its executive editor Nazmul Ahasan, recently wrote: “If force is the language of campus, then let force be its determinant.” With that single sentence, the entire editorial credibility of Netra News has collapsed.   A self-proclaimed “liberal journalist”, who proudly touts his @UCBSoJ journalism degree, is now openly legitimising mob violence – simply because the victims in this case are not the ones he personally favours. Reducing political opponents to the level of beasts is the frequently documented first chapter in the literature of genocide.   In Rwanda, Tutsis were called “cockroaches”, while Nazis deemed Jews as “rats”. Hindutva hardliners label Muslims “bedbugs”. And, in Bangladesh, Islamophobic voices such as @the_nazmul, refer to members of Chhatra Shibir as “hyenas”.   There can be no clearer sign of Islamophobia than this. To them, Islamists are not political actors, but rather biological threats; the rule of law is not a guiding principle, but merely a selective weapon. Apparently, this editor’s newsfeed is currently awash with a strangely gratifying celebration of this very mob violence.   He wrote recently: "The eerily satisfying celebrations flooding my feed say everything."   When a journalist describes political violence as "satisfying," they cease to be a journalist. They transform instead into a foot soldier for a specific, fundamentally un-journalistic ideology – one who happens, purely by accident, to possess a press card. Such individuals typically don a façade of soft-spoken, butter-wouldn't-melt-in-their-mouth innocence. On the surface, they appear to be "good boys" – yet, deep within, they harbour a terrifying, barbaric thirst for vengeance.   This particular breed of people invariably conceals itself behind a mask of bourgeois respectability. This character is the "Murgi Kabir" of Bangladesh's next generation – Sheikh Hasina's "civil society" avatar.   Netra News is the "Prothom Alo" and "Daily Star" of a new era: the mouthpiece of America and New Delhi, and an enemy of Bengali Muslims. It is the Bangladeshi foot soldier of the "War on Terror." We must recognise these enemies of the people for who they are.

~ The Election Commission overlooking the BNP’s unlawful activities~   Mrs. Anna Minj, a development executive from the indigenous Oraon community in Baraigram, Natore, #Bangladesh, received the #BNP’s nomination for a reserved women’s seat in the 13th National Parliament earlier this month. A long-time Central Committee member of the BNP and a dedicated advocate for underprivileged communities for over three decades, she is one of the few women from northern Bangladesh to secure such a nomination.   However, her candidacy appears to directly violate Sub-section 12(1)(j) of the Representation of the People Order (RPO). This provision clearly disqualifies individuals who hold or have recently held an “Executive Post” in a private organisation – particularly an NGO – that receives grants or funding from any foreign state or foreign entity.   Under this rule, a person is ineligible to contest parliamentary elections if they currently hold such an executive position in a foreign-funded NGO, or if less than three years have passed since they resigned, retired, or were dismissed from it. The three-year “cooling-off” period is designed to prevent foreign influence and conflicts of interest in the electoral process.   This disqualification supplements the eligibility criteria outlined in Article 66 of the Constitution of Bangladesh. During nomination scrutiny, the Election Commission is legally required to reject any candidate who fails to meet this condition.In Mrs. Minj’s case, the Commission appears to have overlooked this critical legal requirement. By allowing her nomination to proceed despite her background in development work with foreign-funded organisations, the Election Commission has once again demonstrated selective enforcement – turning a blind eye to BNP’s unlawful activities while the law is applied strictly against others.   To put it simply: anyone holding a senior position in a foreign-funded NGO must resign at least three years before contesting a parliamentary election. The rules are clear, but the question remains: Why does the Election Commission choose not to enforce them?

Francesca Albanese, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, has criticised #India’s continued ties with #Israel as a “potential violation of international law”. In her report “Torture and Genocide,” submitted recently to the UN Human Rights Council, she alleges systematic torture of Palestinians since October 2023 – describing #Gaza as a “vast torture camp.” The report documents over 18,500 arrests, including 1,500 children, and more than 4,000 enforced disappearances – along with widespread abuse such as starvation, medical neglect, and sexual violence in detention. Albanese argues that torture is not incidental but central to a broader system aimed at destroying Palestinians “as individuals and as a people.” She cites International Court of Justice findings, stating that countries have an obligation “not to trade, not to transfer weapons, not to buy weapons from the state which is accused of maintaining an illegal occupation.” According to her, India’s engagement with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – who faces accusations of war crimes – risks making New Delhi complicit and potentially liable under international law. In an interview with The Hindu, Albanese criticized India’s contradictions – noting that Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently visited Israel, upgraded ties to a “Special Strategic Partnership,” and described Israel as the “fatherland” for Indian-origin Jews. She drew parallels between the two nations’ colonial histories and warned that both are contributing to the erosion of the international legal order. Albanese urged nations to uphold accountability, pointing to actions taken by countries like South Africa, Colombia, and Malaysia. As a region that endured colonialism and partition, India cannot selectively champion justice while their government enables alleged war crimes and apartheid-like systems. Silence or continued partnership makes one complicit; it’s time to demand consistency and accountability. outlookindia.com/international/…

In a brutal mob attack on April 11, 2026 – at the Shamim Baba Darbar Sharif in Daulatpur – Kushtia, #Bangladesh, self-proclaimed “Pir” or spiritual guide Abdur Rahman, also known as Shamim, was beaten and hacked to death, with two others injured amid widespread vandalism and arson.   A video allegedly showing his controversial remarks about the Holy Quran, circulating from three years earlier, sparked the violence by local residents.   Following the lynching of Rahman, a murder case was promptly filed on April 14 by the deceased’s brother, naming four specific individuals as accused: Khaja Ahammad (former President of Kushtia District Chhatra Shibir and a member of Daulatpur sub-district Jamaat-e-Islami), local Jamaat activist Rajib Mistry, Asaduzzaman Asad (President of Daulatpur sub-district Khelafat Majlish), and Safi (a madrasa teacher), along with 180-200 unidentified others.   What stands out is the glaring omission: local Jamaat leaders have pointed out that top figures from the local leaders of the #BNP, including the party’s president, general secretary, and organising secretary, along with activists from Jubo Dal and Swechchhasevak Dal— two wings of the ruling party— were visibly present at the scene during the attack. Despite this, none of them were named in the murder case.   This selective naming and inaction reveal the BNP-led government’s blatant double standards. While opposition-linked individuals from Jamaat and allied groups are quickly singled out in the FIR, those affiliated with the ruling BNP camp – present and potentially involved – appear shielded from accountability. Police cite ongoing investigations and claim attackers went into hiding, yet the protection extended to BNP elements raises serious questions about impartial justice.   The available video footage clearly shows and identifies the assailants linked to the BNP. However, the police did not list any of them as accused in the case.   Such partisan handling not only undermines public trust in law enforcement but also exposes how the current administration applies legal processes unevenly: swift against political rivals, lenient toward its own. It is clear that miscreants owing allegiance   True justice demands naming and pursuing all perpetrators regardless of their affiliation, not weaponising cases to settle political scores while shielding allies.   The family’s reluctance to pursue aggressively further complicates the picture, but the state’s duty remains clear: equal application of the law, not selective enforcement favouring the ruling party.

All five members of #Bangladesh’s autonomous National Human Rights Commission resigned earlier this week, protesting the newly elected #BNP government’s failure to renew the commission’s expanded powers and to introduce key human rights bills during the first parliamentary session after it formed the new government in February.   The human rights commissioners were appointed under the National Human Rights Commission Ordinance 2025. But last week the ordinance automatically expired after the parliament failed to ratify it within the constitutionally mandated 30-day period following its first sitting on March 12.   In this scenario, the commission would revert to operating under a 2009 law introduced during Hasina’s tenure, widely regarded as ineffective in tackling human rights abuses such as extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances, and which strips the body of its authority to investigate abuses by security agencies.   After stepping down, the commissioners issued a letter this week explaining in detail how “incorrect information” about the rights-related ordinance had been presented in parliament to justify letting it lapse.   @UNHumanRights @hrw

During the Awami League's tenure, Saudi Arabia's Aramco and South Korea's Samsung—both set to bring substantial investments to #Bangladesh—were barred from entering the Bangladeshi market due to the vested interests of certain powerful leaders of the party. Economist Dr. Salehuddin Ahmed, former governor of Bangladesh Bank and the then-Finance Advisor, revealed this startling information in a statement made in January 2025, when the interim government was in power.   One former Saudi Ambassador to Dhaka also stated that Aramco—Saudi Arabia's state-owned oil and gas producer—had been unable to invest in Bangladesh, despite making concerted efforts to inject massive capital into the country.   Against the backdrop of the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, this issue has once again risen to the forefront of public discussion. The renewed attention stems largely from Bangladesh’s recent move to sign an agreement with India for importing Russian crude oil, which would be refined in Indian facilities before being shipped back to Bangladesh.   Instead of relying heavily on India for fuel supplies, Bangladesh should explore an agreement with Aramco, which operates a massive global network of refineries. By leveraging their technical expertise, Bangladesh should move quickly to establish at least one additional domestic refinery, thereby significantly strengthening the nation’s overall fuel processing capacity.   (Bangladesh currently has only one refinery, which meets just 40% of the country’s demand for refined fuel.)

Three years ago, during the Awami League’s rule, Tarique Rahman voiced serious concern about a surge in enforced disappearances in Bangladesh. In a Facebook post, dated August 29, 2023, he stated that none of these cases had seen justice and described the situation as “deeply distressing” to him. "On behalf of my party I promise that if the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (#BNP) is elected by the people, we will accede to the United Nations’ International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED) to ensure no one in #Bangladesh is disappeared," he wrote in that post.  "Insha'Allah, we will also give priority to enacting the necessary legislation under the ICPPED. There must be justice for this grave crime against humanity." However, following the February election, once his party assumed power, he retreated from his stance on enforced disappearances—going back on his promise and letting down the people of the country, particularly the families of the victims. In 2024, Bangladesh’s interim government took a historic step by officially signing the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (ICPPED). It later introduced the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance 2025. This move aims to put an end to enforced disappearances by state law enforcement agencies, ensure thorough investigations into all such cases from Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, and deliver justice to the victims.   This week, along with several other ordinances, the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance automatically expired after Parliament failed to ratify it within the constitutionally mandated 30-day period following its first sitting on March 12.   Tarique Rahman and the government led by his party have deliberately allowed the Enforced Disappearance Prevention and Redress Ordinance to lapse, betraying the people of Bangladesh — especially the families of the victims of enforced disappearances.   @UNHumanRights @hrw

A #USMilitary sergeant was summoned by a senior officer and informed that he was under investigation as a potential threat to national security. When he asked for the reason, he was shown several of his social media posts criticizing #Israel. In response, the sergeant argued that his oath of service was to the United States alone. “I pledged to serve the USA,” he said. “I never swore allegiance to support Israel. Yet I am being labelled a national security threat simply because I do not support Israel or its actions against the #Palestinian people.”

That day we heard #BNP people loudly claiming that after their party came to power in #Bangladesh the killings of Bangladeshis at the Bangladesh-India border had stopped. But while Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman was on an official visit to India to improve bilateral ties, an Indian BSF soldier shot and killed a Bangladeshi citizen at the border two days ago.   Does the BNP-led government have the spine to take a firm stand against such border killings and confront India?   thedailystar.net/news/crime-jus…

The Overseas Employment and Migrants Bill (Amendment) 2026 was passed by the #Bangladesh Parliament yesterday.   The #BNP-led government claims that the new law will bring greater transparency to the migration process and protect the rights of migrant workers working or planning to work in different foreign countries   However, the bill grants legal recognition to recruiting sub-agents or representatives without clearly defining the qualifications or criteria required to become one.   Under the new law, if a recruiting agent or sub-agent is found guilty of fraud or any offence in the migration process, they face a fine ranging from 50,000 to a maximum of 200,000 takas.   This penalty is disproportionately low. For instance, even if an agent misappropriates 1 million takas from one migrant worker, the maximum fine remains only 200,000 takas. If an agent handles 100 such cases and misappropriates a total of 100 million takas, the total fine would still be capped at just 20 million takas.   By legalising sub-agents under this level of lenient penalties, the BNP government has effectively paved the way for widespread fraud and exploitation in the overseas employment sector.