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Zimbabwe Third Eye News🇿🇼 👁

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Zimbabwe Third Eye News🇿🇼 👁
For breaking news, Investigative Stories, Analysis And Perspective Read Zimbabwe Third Eye News 👁.
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THIRD EYE NEWS 👁 ‼️ CRACKS IN THE GENERALS' FRONT Mashingaidze Set to Break Ranks, Endorse Constitutional Amendment No. 3. Third Eye News sources inside the Ministry of Information reveal that retired Major General Gibson Mashingaidze will today address a press conference expected to counter the group of retired generals led by Air Marshal Henry Muchena who have publicly opposed Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 and the ED2030 term-extension agenda. Deep fissures are emerging within the camp of Zimbabwe's retired military brass over Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 (CAB3), which seeks to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa's final term of office by two additional years beyond its constitutionally mandated expiry in August 2028. Sources inside the Ministry of Information with direct knowledge of today's scheduled proceedings have told Third Eye News that retired Major General Gibson Mashingaidze is set to address a press conference that will effectively drive a wedge through what had until now appeared to be a unified front of retired generals opposed to the amendment. If the press conference goes ahead as planned, Mashingaidze is expected to formally endorse CAB3, placing him in direct and public opposition to Air Marshal Henry Muchena and the coalition of retired senior officers who have raised legal and constitutional objections to the amendment process. If the press conference goes ahead as planned, Mashingaidze will become the most senior retired ZDF officer to publicly endorse the ED2030 extension project.Major General Gibson Mashingaidze's biography is, in many ways, a microcosm of Zimbabwe's liberation war generation. Born in 1949 in Ushe, Bikita District, in the heartland of Masvingo Province, he was shaped by the red soils and mission school culture of Mashonaland's southern edge. He received his early education at Ushe Primary School before proceeding to Mashoko Secondary School institutions that would have formed the foundation of the scholarly, politicised outlook typical of his generation. Like many young men of his era who chose the barrel of the gun over the classroom desk, Mashingaidze joined the armed liberation struggle in the 1970s, becoming part of the ZANLA war effort against the Rhodesian colonial state. His post-independence military career culminated in the rank of Major General a rank whose holders sit at the pinnacle of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces' command architecture. Today, Mashingaidze serves as the Masvingo War Veterans League Provincial Chairman a position that gives him significant grassroots influence in one of ZANU-PF's most reliably loyal provincial bases. The war veterans' movement, historically weaponised by the ruling party at moments of political crisis, remains a barometer of the party's mood on the ground. Mashingaidze's anticipated endorsement of CAB3 will carry the weight not only of his personal military rank but of the institutional voice of Masvingo's war veterans community. Any profile of Major General Mashingaidze that omits the events of 27 June 2008 would be incomplete and dishonest. The general participated in the violent campaign surrounding that presidential run-off election, leading the ZANU-PF campaign machinery in Masvingo Province alongside fellow retired Major General Engelbert Rugeje. The 2008 run-off, which pitted the late Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC against President Robert Mugabe, was internationally condemned as a campaign of state-sponsored terror: farm workers beaten, opposition supporters tortured, and villages set ablaze.Mashingaidze's documented role in that period placed him on both United States and European Union targeted sanctions lists measures that barred named ZANU-PF officials and associated military figures from travelling to those jurisdictions and froze any assets held therein. The general thus carries a dossier that his critics will not hesitate to invoke if and when he steps to the podium today.
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Breaking News‼️Former Finance Minister Tendai Biti has been arrested in Mutare alongside journalist Fanuel Chinowaita, lawyer Nyasha Gerald, and activist Morgan Ncube, Third Eye News can confirm. The four were detained by security forces on Saturday as Biti led a delegation from the Constitutional Defenders Forum (CDF) an emerging coalition mobilising civic and political opposition to the government's planned Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 (CAB3). The arrests took place in Mutare's city centre, where the Constitutional Defenders Forum had convened a consultative gathering with residents of Manicaland province to explain the implications of the proposed amendments to Zimbabwe's supreme law. The CDF has been at the forefront of a growing civic movement that argues CAB3, if passed, would fundamentally alter the democratic architecture of the republic and clear the legal path for President Emmerson Mnangagwa to seek an extended presidential term beyond current constitutional limits the arrangement critics have labelled the ED2030 agenda. Biti, a senior figure in the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) and former MDC treasurer-general who served as Finance Minister in the 2009–2013 Government of National Unity, is one of Zimbabwe's most recognisable opposition voices on constitutional matters. His presence in Mutare leading a public engagement mission signals the elevated stakes the opposition attaches to fighting the amendment before it reaches the floor of Parliament. Journalist Fanuel Chinowaita, whose coverage of state-civil society tensions has earned both recognition and official scrutiny, was embedded with the Forum delegation in what colleagues described as a standard reporting assignment. The arrest of a working journalist represents a troubling escalation in the Committee to Protect Journalists' terms, and will likely trigger international media freedom condemnation before the day is out. The presence of lawyer Nyasha Gerald among the detained raises acute procedural concerns. Gerald, who sources indicate was present in a dual capacity as a participant and as legal observer for the Forum is understood to have been arrested alongside his clients rather than after, raising immediate questions about attorney-client privilege and the right to legal representation guaranteed under Section 70 of Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution. The Law Society of Zimbabwe has been notified and is expected to respond.Morgan Ncube, the fourth detainee, is identified within Forum circles as a community mobiliser with deep roots in Manicaland's civil society landscape. His arrest underscores that the state’s response is not targeted narrowly at public figures but extends to grassroots organisers a pattern that, if confirmed, suggests a more systematic intent to disrupt the CDF’s provincial outreach programme.CAB3 has become the defining political flashpoint of 2026, concentrating anxieties about democratic backsliding, executive overreach, and the integrity of Zimbabwe’s post-2013 constitutional settlement into a single legislative battle. The proposed amendments the precise content of which the government has not fully published for public scrutiny are understood to encompass provisions that would reset or extend presidential term calculations, alter the appointment of senior judiciary and security leadership, and reconfigure the electoral framework ahead of the 2028 general elections.
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JUST IN | Retired Maj-Gen Herbert Chingono Found Dead at Mazowe Farm. Third Eye News can confirm that retired Major-General Herbert Chingono has been found dead at his farmhouse in Mazowe. Family sources say his body was discovered yesterday under circumstances yet to be officially disclosed. Senior military officials, including Air Vice Marshal Biltim Chingono, were among the first to arrive at the scene. No official cause of death has been released. Authorities are yet to issue a formal statement.
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THIRD EYE 👁 NEWS.SEEING WHAT OTHERS WON'T. THE SILENCE OF THE GENERALS Why every day the military says nothing is another day the clock ticks against President Emmerson Mnangagwa. By The Third Eye Political News Editor Munyaradzi Zuzude. There is a particular kind of silence that precedes political earthquakes in Zimbabwe. It is not the silence of contentment. It is not the silence of indifference. It is the silence of men who are watching men with medals on their chests and options in their hands who have decided that for now, waiting is the most powerful thing they can do.That silence is what the Zimbabwe National Army's senior command is practising today. And for President Emmerson Mnangagwa, it should be the most terrifying sound he has ever not heard. In Zimbabwe's political architecture, the military is not a subordinate institution. It is the original source of power and it has never forgotten that. Let us be precise about what we mean when we speak of Zimbabwe's generals. We are not speaking of ceremonial figures who salute at independence parades and then return to barracks. We are speaking of men embedded in the political, economic, and intelligence fabric of this country men whose institutional memory stretches back to the liberation war, whose loyalty networks cut across the party, the civil service, and the security apparatus. These are men who in November 2017 did what the world said was impossible: they removed a sitting president not with a bullet, but with a press conference. They called it a 'military-assisted transition.' The euphemism fooled no one. It was power speaking in its most unambiguous language.That operation was not spontaneous. It was the product of a collective institutional judgement that Robert Mugabe had outlived his political usefulness, that the G40 faction's ascendancy posed an existential threat to the liberation war establishment, and that the costs of removal were lower than the costs of inaction. That calculus is being run again today. The variables have changed. But the logic is the same.Since the constitutional extension project ED2030, as it has been branded by its architects gained momentum within ZANU-PF structures, observers have waited for the generals to speak. They have not. Not publicly. Not with any of the enthusiastic declarations that might comfort a president seeking institutional cover for an unprecedented third-term agenda. Some in Mnangagwa's orbit have tried to read this silence as acquiescence. They are making a dangerous error. In Zimbabwe's military culture, silence is not consent. Silence is positioning. Consider what has happened in the same period. Vice President Constantino Chiwenga has completed a series of high-profile provincial tours. He has been received not as a constitutional understudy, but as a figure commanding genuine popular resonance particularly in regions where the liberation war establishment still carries moral authority. His rehabilitation narrative, after years of reported health struggles and political marginalisation, has been striking in its visibility. The generals are watching this too. They are reading the crowd responses. They are taking note of which way the institutional wind is blowing. And they are keeping their powder dry. Silence from the barracks in Zimbabwe has always been the loudest sound in the room. The question is what it is saying. This is not the first time a Zimbabwean president has sought to neutralise the military by controlling them rather than earning their loyalty. Mugabe spent the last decade of his presidency doing precisely that expanding the Joint Operations Command, co-opting generals with farms and business interests, surrounding himself with loyalists promoted above their institutional peers. It bought him time. It did not buy him permanence.
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The fundamental lesson of 2017 is not that the military removed Mugabe. It is that the military removed Mugabe at the moment of their choosing, not his. Despite all his structural controls, all his patronage networks, all his decades of political cunning when the generals decided the moment had come, there was nothing he could do to stop it. Mnangagwa was part of that operation. He knows better than anyone that institutional loyalty in the ZNA is not unconditional, is not permanent, and is not purchased by constitutional amendment.And yet here we are. Constitutional Amendment No. 3, with its proposed extension of presidential terms, is being sold to the Zimbabwean public and to the party faithful as a project of continuity, stability, and Vision 2030 delivery. Its proponents argue that economic transformation requires long-term leadership. Its architects have worked to build a groundswell within ZANU-PF structures, mobilising Women's League branches, youth wings, and provincial structures.But there is a fundamental miscalculation buried in this project. Constitutional legitimacy and institutional legitimacy are not the same thing. You can amend a constitution by mobilising enough party structures. You cannot amend the institutional memory of a military that remembers who brought them to power and why. The liberation war generation that forms the ideological backbone of the ZNA senior command did not fight for the right of any individual to entrench himself in power indefinitely. The very language used to justify the 2017 intervention was the language of constitutional order, generational responsibility, and transition. Amendment No. 3 reads, to that generation, as a betrayal of the terms on which the intervention was justified. This is not a small problem. It is a foundational one. You can amend a constitution by mobilising party structures. You cannot amend the institutional memory of a military that remembers who brought them to power and why. Observers who have underestimated Constantino Chiwenga before have consistently been wrong. They underestimated him in the years he spent building the military's political role under Mugabe. They underestimated him in 2017. They underestimated him during his reported health difficulties, when some were confidently predicting his permanent removal from the succession picture. Chiwenga is still here. He is more visible than he has been in years. And critically, he has not publicly endorsed Constitutional Amendment No. 3 with the enthusiasm that would give Mnangagwa's project the institutional credibility it needs. This matters enormously. In Zimbabwe's political communication, what a senior figure does not say is often more significant than what they do. Chiwenga's measured positioning — present, visible, but uncommitted on the extension question — is being read by everyone who needs to read it. The generals, too, are reading it. And the alignment they see between Chiwenga's institutional authority, his liberation war credentials, and his careful silence on the extension project tells them everything about where they should position themselves. None of this means that a coup is imminent. None of this means that the ZNA is preparing to move. That is not how Zimbabwe's military operates, and anyone telling you otherwise is selling speculation. What it means is more subtle and ultimately more dangerous for Mnangagwa's long-term project. It means that the institutional consent which any Zimbabwean president ultimately requires is not being given. It means that the generals are in a watching posture. And it means that every month that passes without the economic delivery that would give ordinary Zimbabweans a reason to support extension, every month that the constitutional project generates friction rather than enthusiasm, and every month that Chiwenga's provincial profile grows is a month in which the balance of institutional power shifts.
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THIRD EYE NEWS‼️ A Master Stroke of Reconciliation: Mnangagwa Brings Mutasa Back Into the Fold. By appointing the veteran Didymus Mutasa to the ZANU PF Elders' Council, President Emmerson Mnangagwa demonstrates the political wisdom and magnanimity that separates statesmen from mere politicians.  In a move that has sent a clear and unmistakable signal about the kind of leader he is, President and ZANU PF First Secretary, Cde Dr Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, has appointed former ZANU PF Secretary for Administration and long-serving Cabinet Minister Cde Didymus Mutasa to the party’s prestigious Elders’ Council. The announcement, made by ZANU PF Secretary for Information and Publicity Cde Christopher Mutsvangwa, is more than a party housekeeping matter it is a defining political moment. Didymus Mutasa is not simply a party elder he is a living archive of ZANU PF’s history. A liberation war stalwart, a former Speaker of Parliament, a long-serving Minister, and at one point one of the most powerful men inside the Mugabe administration, Mutasa’s relationship with the party has been anything but linear. His falling out during the twilight of the Mugabe era was bitter, public, and laden with recrimination on all sides. For Mnangagwa to now reach across that divide and bring Mutasa into an honoured institutional role speaks volumes. It is the kind of move that lesser leaders would be too insecure, too petty, or too politically cautious to make. Mnangagwa has made it with confidence and with purpose. The ZANU PF Elders’ Council is not ceremonial window dressing. It is the party’s institutional memory, a repository of revolutionary experience and political wisdom that younger cadres and structures would do well to draw from. When the party places a figure of Mutasa’s stature within that body, it is saying something important: that ZANU PF is big enough, mature enough, and confident enough to house its history including its complicated chapters. Mutasa brings to the Council decades of frontline political experience the kind that simply cannot be manufactured, fast-tracked, or substituted. His value lies not just in what he has seen, but in what he endured, survived, and learned. That wisdom now belongs formally to the party structure. This appointment should be read as a mark of President Mnangagwa’s growing political self-assurance. A leader who fears challengers does not invite seasoned operators into positions of institutional influence. A leader who is fixated on settling old scores does not extend an olive branch to those who were once on the other side of a bitter factional line. Mnangagwa has done both and done so deliberately. He governs from a position of strength, not anxiety. That is what a leader who has stabilised his party and his government looks like. That is what a First Secretary who is focused on the long game, not the short score, looks like. There are those in Zimbabwean politics who mistake division for dynamism, and factional warfare for vitality. They are wrong. A party that cannot make peace with its own history is a party that will be consumed by it. Mnangagwa understands this at a level that distinguishes him from the political churn around him. The Mutasa appointment is part of a broader pattern a ZANU PF that is being re-consolidated not through purges and paranoia, but through patient institution-building, strategic inclusion, and the kind of generational respect that binds a political movement across time. Zimbabwe is watching. The party faithful are watching. And what they are seeing, in appointments like this one, is a president who does not merely manage ZANU PF but leads it.
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Colonel Miniyothabo “Minnie” Baloyi, the wife of Zimbabwe’s Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, has been removed from her role in the army’s military intelligence department and moved to the Commander’s Pool, where officers usually have no specific duties. Some people say she is being treated unfairly, while others say the move was necessary because she often travels with her husband. The move came after concerns were raised by Jonathan Moyo about leaks in the intelligence system and criticism from Temba Mliswa, who said the Second Lady should consider leaving the army.
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THIRD EYE NEWS By the Political Editor Munyaradzi Zuzude. THE PUPPET HAS NO STRINGS LEFT Jonathan Moyo built the trap. Ziyambi walked into it. And Mbuso Fuzwayo just took the fall. The court challenge is dead. Not wounded. Not postponed. Dead collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions, exposed for what it always was a political operation dressed in legal clothing. Let us not pretend this was complicated. A man exiled in Nairobi, still nursing wounds from 2017, architected a constitutional assault on the very government that ousted his G40 faction. He needed a face. Fuzwayo was that face. He needed a minister naive enough or willing enough to give the scheme oxygen. Ziyambi was that minister. The irony is almost poetic. The same Professor Moyo who packaged and distributed a dossier against President Mnangagwa to every media house before the tanks even rolled in November 2017 that man was handed the pen to redraft Zimbabwe's constitution. Think about that. Sit with it. We didn't sit with it. We worked. We dug. We published. We were called partisan, alarmist, obsessed. The verdict is in. We were right. To the architects of this scheme you deployed a proxy, dressed it as civic activism, and hoped the nation wouldn't notice the fingerprints. We noticed. We documented. We exposed. The amendment agenda has taken a serious body blow. And for everyone who fought this fight in courtrooms, in newsrooms, on the streets tonight, we raise a glass. The charlatan has been defeated. Again. @ProfJNMoyo
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THIRD EYE NEWS. RETIRED ZDF COMMANDER GENERAL PHILLIP VALERIO SIBANDA THE LION AT REST FARMING, FAITHFUL & FOCUSED. In a political climate often defined by noise, rivalry, and relentless positioning, one figure stands conspicuously apart retired Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) Commander, General Phillip Valerio Sibanda.Since his retirement, the decorated military icon has chosen a path that speaks louder than words the quiet, disciplined life of a farmer. No press conferences. No political rallies. No factions. No drama. Just land, labour, and loyalty. A General Who Commands Without Speaking. Those who know General Sibanda will tell you this is no surprise. Throughout his distinguished military career, he was never a man of spectacle. He led with precision, not performance. His silence was never weakness; it was strategic intelligence of the highest order. In retirement, that culture continues.While some former officials have made headlines for the wrong reasons positioning, maneuvering, or stirring political currents General Sibanda has remained exactly where a man of his stature and integrity belongs: at home, cultivating the earth.Watching. Thinking. Rooted. Discipline As A Statement In today's Zimbabwe, where loyalty is often tested and allegiances frequently questioned, General Sibanda's posture is a masterclass in institutional discipline. He is not fighting. He is not campaigning. He is not a threat to anyone.He is simply a Zimbabwean patriot loyal to his country, faithful to ZANU-PF, and unwavering in his support for His Excellency, President Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa and the vision of Zimbabwe@100. That is not passivity. That is character.From Commander to Cultivator There is deep symbolism in a former Commander of the nation's armed forces choosing to grow food for the nation he defended. General Sibanda's farming is not retirement it is service in a different uniform. He represents the best of Zimbabwe's liberation and post-independence generation men and women who gave everything for the country and ask for nothing in return, except to see it prosper. General Phillip Valerio Sibanda is watching. And in watching, he is still serving as a symbol of grace, dignity, and what genuine loyalty to Zimbabwe looks like. The nation salutes you, General. Farm well. Live well. Zimbabwe is proud. Third Eye 👁 News "We See What Others Miss" Third Eye News is an independent political commentary platform dedicated to balanced, insightful reporting on Zimbabwe's governance, security, and national affairs.
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THIRD EYE EXCLUSIVE‼️ FAKE MIRACLES EXPOSED THE PROPHETIC HOUSE OF CARDS IS COLLAPSING! MAGAYA, UEBERT ANGEL MUDZANIRE & THEIR ILK THE CULT AIRTIME HAS EXPIRED!Zimbabwe, open your eyes! The scales are falling. The same so-called “men of God” who paraded wheelchairs, blind eyes opening, and deaf ears popping on our TV screens for years are now watching their empires burn in broad daylight. Third Eye has been warning you. We told you these were not miracles they were meticulously staged productions funded by desperate congregants and executed by paid actors, planted “testifiers,” and clever camera tricks.Remember how they defended fake prophet Walter Magaya?How they rushed to his rescue when scandals first broke? How they called every exposure “persecution”? How they filled our airwaves with “touch not my anointed” while Walter Magaya’s PHD empire was busy collecting “seed” from the poor and delivering fake healings in Harare? We are here now. The same fate that is swallowing him whole is waiting for every single one of their current favourite fake prophets. Uebert Angel Mudzanire the man who rebranded himself “Fake Fallen Angel” the so-called retired professor of prophecy once strutted across stages in the UK and Zimbabwe claiming to raise the dead, multiply money, and speak directly to God about private jet fuel and billion-dollar blessings. Third Eye has the receipts. The same voices that once defended him tooth and nail are now silent as fresh scandals sex, money laundering, and outright fraud close in. His Spirit Embassy/Good News Church empire is in full meltdown mode, and the chickens are coming home to roost.The script is the same for all of them: 🔷️Hire cripples who can actually walk. 🔷️Brief “blind” people who remove contact lenses off-camera. 🔶️Stage dramatic deliverances with hidden earpieces feeding lines. 🔶️Collect “miracle offerings” from the suffering while the prophets fly private and live in mansions. We have seen the videos. We have spoken to the insiders. We have the former “miracle” recipients who were paid to act. The cult airtime has officially expired!And to every media house, every sycophantic TV station, every “Christian” influencer still busy defending the next wave of favourite fake prophets hear this loud and clear The same fate is waiting. Your current darlings will fall. Their miracles will be exposed. Their atrocities the financial exploitation, the sexual abuse hidden behind “anointing,” the fake prophecies that destroyed families, the money that vanished into offshore accounts ALL OF IT will come calling. No amount of “touch not my anointed” prayers will save them when the evidence drops.Zimbabwe is waking up. The people are tired of being milked in the name of Jesus while the so-called prophets laugh all the way to the bank. The Third Eye is wide open. We will not stop. We will not be silenced.The fall of the fake prophetic empires has only just begun. Stay tuned. More exposés loading… @UebertAngel @prophetw_magaya
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THIRD EYE EXCLUSIVE‼️ FAKE PROPHETIC EMPIRES CRUMBLING! MAGAYA & UEBERT ANGEL IN FULL MELTDOWN MODE – THE TRUTH THEY DON'T WANT YOU TO HEAR! Zimbabwe, wake up! The so-called "men of God" are finally facing the music, and it's a symphony of shame, flight, and felony the house of cards is collapsing faster than a bad prophecy.First, Fake prophet Walter Magaya the self-styled miracle worker of PHD Ministries – is neck-deep in hellfire. Multiple fresh rape charges stacking up like bad karma four new counts alone, allegations from 2016–2023 involving adult congregants lured under the guise of "Bible study" and "deliverance".Trial drama at Harare Magistrates Court bail granted then yanked, in-camera fights, constitutional referrals, witnesses allegedly "coached" Properties on the auction block after losing a US$3 million debt case to an Israeli partner – interest compounding monthly like divine judgment. And now? DRUGS SCANDAL! Police raided Yadah Hotel his own spot and uncovered a massive stash of unregistered medicines – antifungals, antivirals, vaginal creams (clotrimazole, fluconazole, miconazole), antibiotics, even injectables. Director Donald Makuvaza already pleaded guilty case postponed to March 10 "What were these for? Magaya's spinning it as persecution, but the docket doesn't lie. He's contesting open hearings, scared of a tiny black-and-white TV in the Victim Friendly Court? Come on, Magaya the real fear is the truth coming out in full color!Then there's his spiritual "brother" Uebert Angel Mudzanhire Ambassador-at-Large, Spirit Embassy boss, the man who once defended Magaya saying "moral failure isn't a crime." Well, karma just booked a one-way ticket. Fresh docket at Borrowdale Police Station: RRB #6756222 – rape allegations some sources say indecent aggravated assault, but the streets are screaming rape. He was Tipped off about imminent Tuesday arrest? POOF fled to Malawi! No official arrest confirmation yet, but One voice note claims he begged Dr. Aux for help to squash it told to "carry his own cross." Poetic! These two empires built on "Fake anointing," "Fake deliverance," and Rape that twisted church slang now code for exploiting the vulnerable – spiritual wives, seed-sowing gone wrong are cracking wide open.The youth are DONE. The chant is loud No more feasting on the innocent under holy robes. No more running when the law knocks.Zimbabwe deserves better than predators in pulpits. If these allegations hold statutory-level evil, coercion, cross-border cover-ups remember those whispers of a 15-year-old tied to a famous singer's family? Still underground, but the pattern fits then Chikurubi awaits. Or justice, finally.Third Eye is wide open. More dockets incoming? More flights? More exposés? We're watching.The empire is falling. @UebertAngel @prophetw_magaya
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