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@admdoctrinal

Jurisprudentiae laureatus. Theologiae ac philosophiae cultor.

Katılım Kasım 2024
80 Takip Edilen289 Takipçiler
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José Manuel
José Manuel@joseleivaaldea·
Guadalupe Corazón de Extremadura
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Adm@admdoctrinal·
@manchasbellas El Mezzogiorno tiene una afinidad impresionante con la España mediterránea. La Campania tiene aroma a Valencia. La España atlántica tiene afinidad con Portugal. Y Castilla no tiene afinidad con nadie más que nosotros porque la meseta es un país contenido en sí mismo.
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Hov Nazaretyan
Hov Nazaretyan@HovhanNaz·
a long-abandoned monastery in Armenia's forrested northeast (Deghdzut)
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hiddenliburua
hiddenliburua@hiddenliburua·
La beauté incontestable de Salamanque, surnommée la "petite Rome".
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Emese Balog ن
Emese Balog ن@EmeseZsBalog·
“The disciples were called Christians first at Antioch.” (Acts 11:26)
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Adm@admdoctrinal·
La filosofía del Imperio de los últimos años de Gustavo Bueno era la vía buena y más profunda. Lástima que retornara a ella (en cierta medida) tarde.
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Adm@admdoctrinal·
Gustavo Bueno tiene escritos muy importantes de filosofía política, pero de formación era un naturalista extranjerizante: no poseer el concepto español de la historia le hace a veces permanecer en la superficie. x.com/i/status/20495…
Váitovek@Vaitovekisback

En España hemos tenido un trío de pensadores políticos contemporáneos de gran fuste y hondura, a saber: Dalmacio Negro, Gustavo Bueno y Antonio García-Trevijano, nacidos en el XX y muertos todos al final del primer cuarto de este siglo (2024, 2016 y 2018)

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Adm@admdoctrinal·
@Vaitovekisback Trevijano era un constitucionalista a la vieja hechura: un pensador político dedicado a meditar la constitución a fin de ordenar la institucionalidad del liberalismo para equilibrar la democracia. Cuando intenta teorizar la libertad política o la mónada emergen las debilidades.
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Váitovek
Váitovek@Vaitovekisback·
En España hemos tenido un trío de pensadores políticos contemporáneos de gran fuste y hondura, a saber: Dalmacio Negro, Gustavo Bueno y Antonio García-Trevijano, nacidos en el XX y muertos todos al final del primer cuarto de este siglo (2024, 2016 y 2018)
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Alvaro Berro
Alvaro Berro@alvarofberro·
lo que veía un soldado romano al levantarse de patrulla en Isturgi, Hispania (siglo III a.C)
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Adm@admdoctrinal·
La intensidad exorbitante de la inmigración latinoamericana en España ha destruido cualquier ensoñación de un futuro político de unificación hispanoamericana.
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maría 🌾
maría 🌾@_curcue_·
maría 🌾 tweet mediamaría 🌾 tweet mediamaría 🌾 tweet mediamaría 🌾 tweet media
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Gonzalo
Gonzalo@GomezGuadalupeG·
Reta de Casta Navarra.
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Cédrιc
Cédrιc@CedricSchell·
Voici à quoi ressemblent les champs en ce moment dans le nord de l’Alsace.
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𝑁 𝑂 𝑀 𝑂 𝑆
𝑁 𝑂 𝑀 𝑂 𝑆@Logospolitico·
«En las construcciones de los juristas del Derecho romano de los siglos XIV y XV ya está completamente olvidada la unión entre el Imperio Cristiano y el Reino territorial, consagrada a la realización del Kat-echon. Bartolo [el jurista más influyente de todos los siglos] y los demás juristas y publicistas italianos del siglo XIV ya no poseen conocimiento alguno de que el Emperador tiene misión de Kat-echon». —Carl Schmitt
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Litterae Christianae
Litterae Christianae@litteraechristi·
Aegidius Romanus: Latin was a creation of philosophers! | Part II Today we continue our exploration of how medieval thinkers understood the nature of the Latin language. If you haven’t yet read the first part, here is: x.com/litteraechrist… Aegidius (1243–1316), a native of Rome, belonged to the Augustinian tradition. Sent to Paris, he attended the lectures given by Thomas Aquinas at the University of Paris. Later, as a master himself, he became a fervent supporter of Aristotelian philosophy. Around the year 1280, he dedicated his Three Books on the Government of Princes (De regimine principum) to King Philip IV of France. In Book II, while discussing the early education of a ruler, he turns to the learning of foreign languages. He draws a distinction between common speech, what he calls idiomata vulgaria or idiomata laicorum, and Latin, which he terms the idioma litterale. The former, the vernacular, is the language we acquire from infancy, and it clearly varies from region to region: “Nam videmus in idiomatibus vulgaribus, quod raro potest quis debite et distincte proferre aliquod idioma, nisi sit in eo in ipsa infantia assuefactus. Qui enim in aetate perfecta transfert se ad partes longinquas, ubi idiomata differunt a materno, etiam si per multa tempora in partibus illis existat, vix aut nunquam potest recte loqui linguam illam, et an incolis illius terrae semper cognoscitur ipsum fuisse advenam et non fuisse in illis partibus oriundus”. Here it is worth noting that Aegidius clearly recognizes the diversity of languages across regions, and that what we call a “native language” is the one learned from earliest childhood through habitual use among its speakers. This difficulty faced by those attempting to learn a foreign language, he continues, is even greater in the case of Latin, which he calls the idioma litterale et physicum: “Si ergo sic in idiomatibus laicorum, multo magis hoc erit in idiomate litterali, quod est physicum idiomat”. What, then, does he mean by this “literal and physical idiom”? Aegidius was writing in the thirteenth century, a time when vernacular languages served everyday needs, while nearly everything committed to writing was expressed in Latin. Thus, by calling Latin “literal” and “physical,” he seems to mean a language designed for written expression, whereas the vernacular remained largely outside the realm of letters. From this, Aegidius makes clear what he thinks about the nature of Latin: namely, that it was fashioned by philosophers so that they might discuss more serious matters, subjects that vernacular speech, due to its lack of vocabulary, could not adequately express: "Videntes enim philosophi nullum idioma vulgare esse completum et perfectum, per quod perfecte exprimere possent naturas rerum et mores hominum et cursus astrorum et alia de quibus disputare volebant, invenerunt sibi quasi proprium idioma, quod dicitur latinum, vel idioma litterale: quod constituerunt adeo latum et copiosum ut per ipsum possent omnes suos conceptus sufficienter exprimere." From this passage it is clear that Aegidius believed the vernacular to arise from nature, whereas Latin was a product of artifice. Philosophers, he says, realizing that they could not discuss the highest matters in common tongues, “invented”, that is, devised and constructed, a language of their own, rich in vocabulary. The fact that Latin is called a "literal" language does not mean that it was not read and spoken. On the contrary, Latin was actively used in universities and cultural centers and for diplomatic purposes in the Middle Ages. This concerns the nature of the language, that is, its origin. It remains, however, to ask whether this doctrine about the nature of Latin originated with Aegidius himself or was inherited from others. Since he treats the matter only briefly, it seems likely that this view was common in his time. What, then, led him into this error? To understand this, we must consider the historical context. In the thirteenth century, Latin was no longer used as a native, spoken language by any people; everyone spoke their own vernacular. Latin, by contrast, was learned not through everyday use, but through books and teachers. As a result, Aegidius and his contemporaries, seeing that Latin was not acquired naturally but through education, concluded that it was not natural but artificial, that is, invented. Moreover, vernacular speech seemed free from formal rules and structures, whereas Latin was identified with “grammar,” the first of the liberal arts, full of rules and prescriptions, preserved only in written texts. Finally, as we have already noted, the discipline we now call archaeology did not yet exist; thus, little evidence was available to suggest that Latin had once been the everyday language of the Roman people.
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Litterae Christianae@litteraechristi

Did the Romans speak Latin? The medieval and humanist controversy. * Part 1. The Latin language, as we find it in the best writers, was the form used by educated people in the city of Rome around the first century BC. It is referred to as Sermo Urbanus, Elegans, Urbanitas, Oratio Romana, or simply Sermo Latinus: (Br. 75, 261; 3 De or. 11, 40–41; Qt. VIII, 1. 3; Var. Ling. Latin. I–III). Other Romans, who lacked formal education and lived especially in the countryside, as well as slaves and foreigners, used a simpler kind of speech. Compared with the urban variety, it was sometimes corrupted by grammatical mistakes (solecisms) and foreign or incorrect forms (barbarisms). This type of speech is called sermo plebeius, vulgaris, or familiar: (3 De or. 37, 150; Qt. VIII, 2, 1; 3, 16; Sen. Controv. III, praef; Gell. XI, XIX, 13). Moreover, this kind of speech could also appear in a somewhat more refined form, namely when it was used by a more educated person in everyday conversation or in private letters. In such contexts, as Marcus Tullius Cicero says, “cotidianis verbis texere solemus” (Cic. Fam. IX, 21). (Cf. Cic. Or. 5, 20; Quintilianus I, 6, 1: “est sua loquentibus observatio, sua scribentibus”.) It should also be noted what Cicero says about rustic and rural expressions: “Rustica vox et agrestis quosdam delectat, quo magis antiquitatem, si ita sonet, eorum sermo retinere videatur” (3. De Or. 11, 42). The closer a given form of speech came to this ideal of urbanity, the purer and more genuinely “Latin” it was considered. The further it departed from that model, the more it was judged corrupt and flawed, and thus labeled “vulgar.” While the urban variety is directly attested in literary works, examples of vulgar speech can be identified either through descriptions by authors or through inscriptions that have survived to our time, most notably those preserved on the walls of Pompeii. From all this, we may confidently conclude the following: there truly was a distinction between “urban speech” and “rustic or vulgar speech.” However, this distinction does not mean that the Romans had two separate languages. Rather, they had one single Latin language, whose proper forms and rules some observed more carefully and others more loosely. This is not difficult to understand, since the same thing happens even in our own time. If someone listens to a judge delivering a formal judgment in court and to an uneducated man speaking in the marketplace, he will clearly notice that both are using the same language. Yet one follows the standards and elegance of proper expression, while the other uses words more freely and with less correctness. In the Middle Ages, however, the difference between the Latin preserved in literature and the everyday spoken language became so great that they came to be regarded as two entirely different languages. Latin was no longer learned at home or through daily use, but through formal study with the help of teachers. As a result, learned men began to form mistaken ideas about the speech of the ancients. They believed that, just as in their own time there were already two languages, one common and domestic (such as French, Italian, Spanish, etc.), and another, Latin (which they also called “Grammatica,” because Grammatica was the name of the first of the liberal arts in the medieval trivium), so too in ancient times the Romans must have had two completely distinct languages: one vulgar, which arose naturally, and another, namely Latin, which was not natural but artificially constructed and devised. This mistaken view, which continued to find supporters and defenders up to the fifteenth century, arose from the fact that those scholars assumed the conditions of their own time to have existed in the age of the ancients as well, as if they were projecting into the past what they saw before their eyes in the present. Moreover, it was not easy for them to think otherwise, since access to the works of ancient authors was becoming increasingly rare: many texts already lay hidden under dust in the libraries of monasteries, while other traces, carved in stone, remained buried beneath the ground. From this situation there arose, among learned men of the Middle Ages, several theories about the Latin language, especially concerning the purpose for which the Romans had devised it. Three principal views emerged: the first that of Aegidius Romanus (Giles of Rome) (1243–1316), a student of Thomas Aquinas at the University of Paris; the second that of Dante Alighieri (1265–1321); and the third that of Francesco Petrarca (1304–1374). In the following post, we will discuss the first theory proposed by Giles of Rome.

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