nora 👾

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nora 👾

nora 👾

@folknors

splendidly selfish, charmingly helpless, excellent fun 'til you get to know her . . . 23! she/her

Katılım Temmuz 2021
307 Takip Edilen439 Takipçiler
nora 👾
nora 👾@folknors·
what has been happening here in these past few months gives me so mcuh anxiety, that I cry every single day without exaggeration. it breaks my heart to see what has been done to this country. please, let this come to an end in april.
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nora 👾
nora 👾@folknors·
this is Hungary in 2026. Fidesz has been in power for 16 years. they have entrenched themselves everywhere, EVERYTHING is in their hands, and more and more of this is coming to light.
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nora 👾
nora 👾@folknors·
a documentary has come out recently about how Fidesz manipulates votes, thereby committing election fraud. of course, it has been obvious to everyone that the voting process is not fair. however, the methods by which they buy or blackmail these vulnerable people in exchange +
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nora 👾
nora 👾@folknors·
who exactly are these targeted individuals? people living in extreme poverty. people who struggle with any kind of addiction. elderly people with dementia. families with small children.
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nora 👾
nora 👾@folknors·
their votes had not been exposed until now. they target residents of the poorest villages. local candidates reportedly receive instructions from above about how many people (and exactly which individuals, by name and address) they should approach and knock on their doors.
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Szabolcs Panyi
Szabolcs Panyi@panyiszabolcs·
💥Viktor Orbán angrily responded to protesters who booed him at a rally in opposition-led Győr. He accused them of promoting Ukrainian interests and wanting to send “Hungarians’ money to Ukraine,” as his campaign follows a path-dependent strategy blaming everything on Ukraine.
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Jay in Kyiv
Jay in Kyiv@JayinKyiv·
Overwhelming ridicule for Orban tonight in Budapest as he tries to speak at his own campaign rally.
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Szabolcs Panyi
Szabolcs Panyi@panyiszabolcs·
‼️Statement on the Orbán Government Accusing Me, an Investigative Journalist, of Espionage‼️ Today, the Hungarian government has filed a complaint against me for espionage. Accusing investigative journalists of espionage is virtually unprecedented in the 21st century for an EU member state. This is typical of Putin’s Russia, Belarus, and similar regimes. I have spent over a decade documenting how Russian spies and interests have penetrated Hungarian politics, so I am probably the least surprised by this. Despite growing signs that the Hungarian government acts as a Kremlin ally and copies the Russian model, I still trust that parts of the Hungarian state—and the judiciary—follow the Hungarian constitution, not that of the Russian Federation. I have never engaged in espionage. I see my work as journalistic counterintelligence—from exposing the hacking of the Hungarian Foreign Ministry by Russian actors to revealing the activities of Hungarian pro-Kremlin propagandists. Defending myself publicly would be easier if I were not bound by source protection. But that remains my top priority. I cannot reveal who provides me information or what I receive, including from within Hungarian state structures. If I were not a journalist, I could list many facts proving it is impossible for the Hungarian state to genuinely believe I am spying. Certain meetings, contacts, and information gathering could never have happened otherwise. This baseless accusation now forces me to share details of a specific investigation, including a conversation with a confidential source that appears to have been wiretapped. Normally, this would appear in a finished article or my upcoming book—not here. (It will appear there as well.) Since 2023, I have investigated whether the relationship between Péter Szijjártó and Russian officials exceeds legal limits. The published audio, where I’m heard talking to a source, mentions that communication between Szijjártó and Sergey Lavrov is recorded by EU intelligence services. Less attention has gone to my point that this relationship raises strong suspicion of political intelligence activity and influence operations in Russia’s interest. These are serious claims and hard to prove. As a journalist, I cannot force anyone to speak or hand over documents. That is why gathering this information has taken so long—and why I spoke to that sensitive source (while the conversation was secretly recorded). Serious claims require serious evidence, and I believe I have gathered some. I have not engaged in espionage. I have not cooperated with any foreign intelligence service in surveilling Szijjártó. Instead, I tried to verify earlier fragments of information about Szijjártó–Lavrov communication. I sought to identify the channels and phone numbers used, and whether a secret channel—possibly used by Russian intelligence—exists. In other words, whether Szijjártó uses a hidden device or number unknown even within the Hungarian Foreign Ministry. This was only one part of my research. The other, more serious topic is this: Since at least 2016–2017, EU and NATO intelligence services have had indications that large amounts of cash and precious stones may have been transported from Russia on Hungarian government aircraft or private jets used by government figures. Officials from at least six countries made such claims to me. These signals did not come from monitoring Hungarian targets, but, for example, from intercepting Russian officials discussing or preparing such shipments. Alongside Szijjártó–Lavrov communication, I examined how baggage screening and handling works on such flights, which officials travel with what luggage, whether more packages arrive from Moscow than depart, and how such shipments could be handled discreetly. I know how serious this is, and I would not have written even this much—but since I do not know what else may be taken from the edited recording, or what fabricated accusations (like, for example, that I was seeking such details to commit terrorism) may follow, I believe I must share this now. Why do I investigate all this? According to many sources familiar with the Hungarian state and counterintelligence, there is no independent body in the Orbán system able to investigate or act if a senior official is suspected of espionage. Government members direct intelligence services and set expectations. The services lack both tools and authority to investigate a government member. I knew this would be difficult when I chose to pursue it. But few people in Hungary can or dare to do this, so I felt it was my duty. We have now reached the point where the Orbán government—of which Szijjártó is still a member—aware of my reporting plans and the risk they pose, has preemptively accused me of espionage. I am a Hungarian patriot. I serve the public. As an investigative journalist, my job is to hold power accountable. Neither political theater nor legal threats will deter me.
Szabolcs Panyi tweet media
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BBC News (World)
BBC News (World)@BBCWorld·
Orban's Hungarian government accused of mass voter intimidation ahead of election bbc.in/4bNgw0l
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Magyar Péter (Ne féljetek)
The Orbán mafia has tried to undermine TISZA, Hungary's strongest party, using a range of methods. In addition to infiltration, blackmail, and threats, this has included the use of illegal intelligence tools by @PM_ViktorOrban's inner circle, including Candiru, an Israeli-developed spyware and successor to Pegasus. We have reason to believe that the Hungarian intelligence services, in cooperation with Eastern powers, deployed this originally military-grade spyware on TISZA's systems and network. The intelligence services specifically targeted TISZA's IT security experts because they had uncovered the use of Candiru.
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SzabadonMagyarul 🇬🇧🇭🇺🇺🇦🇪🇺
Je suis @panyiszabolcs The Orban-regime declared him as a Ukrainian spy after he make it transparent for everyone in his investigation journaliism that Orban's foreign minister is leaking secrets from the EU meetings to the russians.
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