IN JUST TWO WEEKS, THE WORLD TURNED UPSIDE DOWN! AS SOON AS PÉTER MAGYAR AND HIS TISZA PARTY WON THE ELECTIONS, YESTERDAY’S CRITICISMS WERE REWRITTEN AS TODAY’S PRAISE!
1.As long as the patriotic Fidesz-KDNP led by @PM_ViktorOrban won 🇭🇺Hungary’s parliamentary elections with a two-thirds majority, the liberal side constantly spoke about a distorted, anti-democratic electoral system. Now that the Tisza Party led by Péter Magyar has won, the Hungarian electoral system has suddenly become highly democratic, expressing “the will of the people.”
2. Ursula von der Leyen immediately used the Hungarian election results to push for the abolition of the member state veto within the EU. Magyar Péter did not react to this proposal, which would effectively mean giving up national sovereignty.
3. The leader of the European People's Party, Manfred Weber, openly admitted that the “rule of law procedure” used against Hungary for years was merely a political weapon aimed at toppling the Orbán government. Now that their project has succeeded, the procedure can be dropped immediately—despite the fact that the new government has not even taken office and has taken no steps to “improve” the rule of law situation. This obvious foreign interference in Hungarian politics went unchallenged by Péter Magyar and the Tisza Party.
4. A spokesperson for the European Commission acknowledged that Hungary must continue paying the €1 million daily fine imposed over its migration policy—until it changes that policy. Péter Magyar had promised the opposite.
5. The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) struck down Hungary’s child protection law, effectively elevating gender sensitivity to the level of EU fundamental values. According to the ruling, Hungary violated EU law with its legislation aimed at stricter action against pedophiles and protecting children. Shortly after, news emerged that a 24/7 LGBTQ-content TV channel would launch in Hungary. Péter Magyar remained silent on the issue.
6. Just days after the election, it was revealed that a 27-point list of conditions had been drawn up in Brussels in exchange for EU funds for Péter Magyar’s government. Beyond so-called rule-of-law requirements, the list includes expectations related to migration and gender policy.
7.The narrative of replacing the “old elite” with a “technocratic expert government” quickly shifted: Péter Magyar handed the justice portfolio to his own brother-in-law and trusted lawyer, while key positions in the cabinet were filled by managers from multinational corporations, LNG lobbyists, and figures linked to Brussels-based networks. In education and social policy, voices supporting gender and LGBTQ agendas are emerging, while in internal affairs, approaches emphasizing the “benefits” of migration are gaining ground. This marks a clear shift from national sovereignty toward alignment with international expectations.
8. Following the Hungarian elections, the Druzhba oil pipeline was SUDDENLY repaired at remarkable speed. While the Orbán government was in power, neither Hungarian, Slovak, nor EU experts were allowed near it. After an election outcome favorable to Ukraine, OIL STARTED IMMEDIATELY FLOWING AGAIN. It has become clear that there was no technical issue—this was open foreign interference in Hungary’s elections. The Tisza Party consistently downplayed the Ukrainian oil blockade during the campaign.
9. Péter Magyar invited 🇮🇱Benjamin Netanyahu to Hungary, then announced that his government would not withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC), despite the Orbán government having already initiated the exit. He also confirmed that Netanyahu would be arrested if he came to Budapest.
10. Péter Magyar threatened and called for the resignation of Hungary’s President and other constitutional officials. Legal experts across the political spectrum agree that such political attacks violate Hungary’s constitutional framework.
11. Another sudden shift: just four days after the election, Greenpeace admitted that no pollution could be detected around the Samsung factory in Hungary. Previously, the same NGO had fueled a narrative—later amplified by the Tisza Party and liberal-globalist media—claiming the government was hiding toxic operations of battery plants.
12. The Tisza Party announced that instead of the traditional parliamentary office building, its faction would move into newly renovated (some say luxury) offices, replacing non-political staff. Coincidentally, the new offices are connected to Parliament by a tunnel—ensuring that Tisza MPs can avoid journalists waiting in parking areas, unlike members of the Orbán government.
13. Péter Magyar has repeatedly threatened to shut down privately owned right-wing media outlets, openly challenging the principle of the rule of law.
IF THIS HAPPENED IN TWO WEEKS—WHAT COMES NEXT?
And, what follows from all this?
That the concepts of “rule of law” and “democracy” in European politics have clearly become instruments rather than objective standards. The position represented by the patriotic Orbán government—that sovereignty and democratic mandate must come first—now appears to be vindicated: narratives do not follow reality, but the political interests of Brussels.
This is why the Orbán government’s sovereignty-based approach became a target—and why the same criticisms disappear when power shifts to actors aligned with the Brussels mainstream.
This realization fundamentally reshapes the debates of recent years.
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