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At Boulevard Hotel, on an ordinary January evening in 1992, five young men Joe Kimkung, Fred Kiptanui, Joe Mwangale, Sammy Kogo, and Victor Kebenei decided that KANU needed a youth makeover.
Their conclusion was that Cyrus Jirongo would lead them as chairman. Within weeks, the clique had expanded to a full-blown youth brigade of 23, mostly offspring of the elite
There was a certain young man called William Ruto, a 24-year-old political sprinter who had been working in Dr. Julia Ojiambo’s Women and Youth Affairs office at KICC. Ruto, who had cut his teeth in University of Nairobi KANU sub-branches, was brought in to run the Secretariat as Executive Officer.
By March 7, at the Nyayo National Stadium... Vice President George Saitoti officially launched what would become YK ’92. Moi's children Gideon, June, and Jonathan were observing while silently wondering why adults are obsessed with politics.
Critics, however, had their own commentary. Mwai Kibaki, then chairman of the Democratic Party, called YK ’92 a “private army” and alleged a love affair with the National Social Security Fund’s finances. Lawyer Paul Muite claimed the youth brigade was practically a vending machine for KANU’s election cash.
Soon enough, Kenya was awash in new Sh500 notes, nicknamed “Jirongo" or "Jero”. Observers reported that YK ’92 acted like the president’s personal hit squad during the primaries, nudging out any underperforming or inconvenient incumbents. Many district KANU bosses reportedly viewed the group with suspicion.
Then there was “Operation Moi Wins,” a sibling enterprise led by Nairobi lawyer Evans Ondieki. At a conference in Embu, Ondieki allegedly declared: “We are about to pour an amount of money never seen before to make sure President Moi stays in power.” Bold and brash.
YK ’92 also infiltrated opposition ranks, gathering intelligence from figures like Martin Shikuku and Michael Wamalwa. When Shikuku’s clandestine State House visit became public, he reportedly claimed, that he had merely eaten “ugali.”
Regions were informally dubbed “KANU zones,” and opposition rallies often met with disruption. Micah Kigen later suggested that the secretariat had orchestrated much of the logistical chaos. Kibaki’s convoy was reportedly attacked in Sotik, his path blocked at Moi’s Bridge, and a Kapsabet rally canceled by the local District Commissioner.
The true sources of funding was rumored to include Goldenberg returns, the NSSF, and proceeds from government plot sales. One day YK ’92 organized a “funds drive” that raised a comparatively modest Sh2 million publicly, with Moi himself contributing Sh100,000. The guest of honor was the chairman of Kenya Commercial Bank, Ahmed Abdulla, though he might have been more impressed by the ceremonial fanfare than the cash total.
After Moi’s re-election, even he reportedly regarded YK ’92 with cautious suspicion, wary that the energetic youth brigade could evolve into a power center of its own.
For best Kenyan History and Investigative stories follow @timothyturunga

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