Jay Jugwanth

13.5K posts

Jay Jugwanth

Jay Jugwanth

@jugwanthj

Put S A. first! #StopCorruption.Allergic to Bitcoin marketers. Pet & Earth lover. #FeminismSupporter Anti entitlement.#No2Racism. Addicted 2reading/gardening

proudly on South African soil Katılım Eylül 2015
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Jay Jugwanth
Jay Jugwanth@jugwanthj·
Self aggrandizement always ahead of basic rights.
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Raisibe
Raisibe@Patricia_Bantom·
Mugabe was evil, he looted his country and relocated his children to South Africa while the people of Zimbabwe were suffering. Why we never question the citizenship of Mugabe's children?
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jade
jade@weirdhorsegirll·
serious question! why do balls have that stitch line in the middle?
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Conscious Caracal 🇿🇦
Conscious Caracal 🇿🇦@ConCaracal·
The Kwazulu-Natal Division of The High Court in Pietermartzburg has been forced to close due to the ongoing water crisis affecting large parts of South Africa.
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Benonwine
Benonwine@benonwine·
Woman shoots down a giraffe in Africa for fun, this is disgusting and barbaric and just blood sport for the sake of it. 😡 😔 Please REPOST and Make her Famous! TROPHY HUNTING SHOULD BE BANNED! 🛑
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Trump Lie Tracker (Commentary Account)
BREAKING: This account, which is dedicated to holding Trump and MAGA accountable for their lies, now has over 147,000 followers! Thank you for being part of this fast-growing online community. Can you retweet and follow to help us get to 150,000 followers?
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I ❤️ Cape Town ~ I Stand with Russia🇷🇺 MAGA
🔴 THIS WAS NOT HUMILITY. IT WAS MATH: WHY JOHN STEENHUISEN LEFT BEFORE THE VOTE COULD SPEAK🔴 3 February 2026 - By Paul Hattingh The first sign was not a headline. It was the tone. Something in the DA’s internal weather shifted months before anyone dared to call it by name. Not a revolt. Not an implosion. A quieter signal. The kind that only shows up when people stop defending you with enthusiasm and start defending you with procedure. That is always the moment a leader should fear. Because a party can survive a scandal. It cannot survive a leader whose authority has become a compliance exercise. John Steenhuisen did not withdraw from the DA leadership race because he suddenly discovered humility. He did not withdraw because he wanted to “avoid division.” He withdrew because the numbers were no longer negotiable. He was going to lose. And he knew it early enough to avoid the public proof. 🔴 THE FACT THAT MAKES EVERY OTHER FACT LEGIBLE Strip away the sentiment and the spin and there is one core explanation. He did not stand again because he could not win. Not because he lacked talent. Not because he lacked experience. Because he lacked a majority inside his own organisation. When internal support collapses, leadership becomes theatre. Every appearance becomes a defence. Every statement becomes a negotiation with the next faction. Every meeting becomes a headcount. At that point, there are only two routes. You face the congress and let the vote speak. Or you leave before the vote can say out loud what the party has already decided in silence. Steenhuisen chose the second route. That is not unity. That is damage control. 🔴 THE MOMENT THE PARTY STARTS TALKING AROUND YOU Parties do not usually overthrow leaders with a single event. They do it with drift. The drift begins when endorsement becomes cautious. When senior figures hedge. When provincial structures stop volunteering certainty. Then comes the first public rupture that confirms what had already been happening privately. Dion George’s resignation and attack in January 2026 did not create the problem. It revealed it. When a prominent figure inside the party’s ideological base accuses the leader of abandoning principles for power, the issue is not whether the phrase is fair. The issue is that it becomes usable. Usable lines spread. Usable lines unify opponents. Usable lines turn a leader into a liability. Once that happens, internal politics stops being philosophical and becomes mechanical. People begin to count who is still willing to stand next to you when the cameras are on. Steenhuisen’s camp did not collapse in a day. It thinned. Then it softened. Then it went quiet. Quiet is what parties do when they are moving on. 🔴 THE GNU DID NOT LOOK LIKE MATURITY. IT LOOKED LIKE A TRADE. The Government of National Unity may have been defensible as a national arrangement. But inside the DA it detonated something Steenhuisen could not reassemble. Because Steenhuisen did not position himself as merely an alternative manager of the state. He positioned himself as moral contrast. For years, the ANC was framed as more than incompetent. It was framed as corrupt by design. A criminal enterprise. A threat to the country’s institutional life. That framing is not a throwaway insult. It is a claim that creates a boundary. And then the boundary moved. Overnight, the party that was beyond the pale became a partner. The moral line became a practical line. The language of refusal became the language of cooperation. Supporters did not need a committee to interpret this. They understood it instinctively. When someone spends years building a brand on moral certainty, and then adjusts that certainty precisely when office becomes available, the adjustment does not read as pragmatism. It reads as appetite. You can explain it. You can justify it. You can wrap it in “responsibility.” But you cannot unshow it. That is what the GNU did to Steenhuisen’s leadership inside his own party. It turned his opponents’ suspicion into a stable narrative: he did not change his mind because the country changed. He changed his mind because the incentives changed. Once a leader is caught in that frame, every subsequent decision is interpreted through it. Even the defensible ones. Especially the defensible ones. 🔴 THE SPENDING STORY THAT TURNED DISLIKE INTO CERTAINTY It is important to be precise here. The credit card story is not the deepest political critique of Steenhuisen. It is not a grand ideological indictment. It is something more lethal than that. It is simple. It is visual. It is repeatable. Reports in late 2025 described significant personal spending on a party card over a multi-year period, with a large share attributed to food deliveries. The party’s internal processes reportedly cleared him on compliance grounds. Steenhuisen reportedly maintained that reimbursements were made and that it was not irregular. All of that may be true in a narrow procedural sense. But politics is not adjudicated only in policy manuals. It is adjudicated in moral memory. The DA’s entire promise is discipline. Restraint. Competence. A higher standard. So when its leader’s spending history becomes widely associated, fairly or not, with indulgence and convenience, the damage is not technical. It is symbolic. A party can survive an opponent’s smear. It struggles to survive its own brand being contradicted by an image the public cannot unsee. This was not merely a story about food. It was a story about comfort with access. And access, in South Africa, is the oldest temptation. 🔴 A LEADER WHO COULD NOT AFFORD A REAL CONTEST By early 2026, these threads had braided into one rope. Internal support was no longer solid. The GNU had hardened ideological resistance. The spending saga had weakened moral authority. And the party faced the prospect of a public, contested leadership congress. Here is what a contested congress would have done. It would have forced a vote. A vote would have produced a number. A number would have created a record. And records are hard. They do not negotiate. They do not soften. They do not allow for reinterpretation later. If Steenhuisen lost publicly, he would not merely be “a leader who stepped aside.” He would be a leader who was rejected. That is a different category. That is a different afterlife. So he exited before the vote could speak. He stayed close to power. He stayed in government. He stayed inside the protected space of executive office. He removed the test. That is why the explanation about unity sounds thin. Unity is what leaders pursue after they win the right to lead. It is not what they cite while avoiding the mechanism that determines whether they can lead at all. 🔴 THE CRUEL IRONY: HE REMAINS WHERE PERFORMANCE MATTERS MOST There is a final irony that should make even his supporters uneasy. Steenhuisen does not leave public life. He remains Minister of Agriculture. This is a portfolio that intersects with real strain: biosecurity, farmer confidence, food systems, and a sector that does not care about rhetoric. It cares about outcomes. A party leadership contest is a political ritual. A national portfolio is a practical burden. He avoided the ritual that would have measured his political support, but he retains the office that demands practical credibility. That inversion tells its own story. 🔴 THE SENTENCE THAT WILL OUTLAST THE PRESS CONFERENCE John Steenhuisen did not step aside because he was bigger than ambition. He stepped aside because he could count. He did not misread the room. He read it accurately and chose the door. And everyone in politics understands the difference, even when they pretend not to. Quietly. Permanently.🔴
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𐌁𐌉Ᏽ 𐌕𐌉𐌌𐌉
Having a job and living alone is such a crazy combo. You go home, shower, eat, scroll through your phone, and stay silent until you talk to someone at work the next day.
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eNCA
eNCA@eNCA·
The court found him guilty of unlawful possession of a firearm and ammunition, discharging a firearm in a built-up area and reckless endangerment. enca.com/news-top-stori…
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Jay Jugwanth
Jay Jugwanth@jugwanthj·
Mulius Jalema did the crime. Mulius Jalema was do the time. What's so difficult to understand here?
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Ernst Roets
Ernst Roets@ErnstRoets·
Times Ramaphosa has assured is that *this time* local service delivery will be fixed... • February 16, 2018: In his first SONA, he stressed the importance of public servants adhering to the “Batho Pele” principle to improve service delivery, noting that citizens often receive poor or no service. • 2019 (Election Campaign): He reassured voters that the ANC was shifting into “top gear” on service delivery as a core priority, warning that underperformers would face consequences. • January 8, 2022: In the ANC’s 110th anniversary NEC statement, he acknowledged voter complaints about poor service delivery and called for measures to strengthen local government, including reliable access to water, refuse removal, sanitation, and electricity. • September 1, 2022: He described the state of most municipalities as a “crisis” driven by poor governance and lack of accountability, urging interventions to address it. • February 9, 2023: During his SONA, he referenced ongoing poor service delivery as a key challenge, linking it to dysfunctional municipalities. • March 6, 2025: In a meeting with Gauteng officials, he criticized the state of municipalities like Johannesburg and urged them to fix issues ahead of the G20 Summit and for the country’s benefit. • June 25, 2025: In oral replies to the NCOP, he addressed inadequate spending by municipalities, noting its impact on essential services and the need for better planning and capacity. • September 12, 2025: He stated that failing to deliver services violates residents’ basic rights and that there is no justification for poor governance. • September 15, 2025: At an ANC councillors’ gathering in Soweto, he urged learning from better-performing municipalities to achieve improved service delivery. • October 14, 2025: In NCOP responses, he outlined government mechanisms to monitor and support municipalities in turning around performance and enhancing service delivery. • January 10-11, 2026: During the ANC’s 114th anniversary events in Rustenburg and related addresses, he repeatedly called for urgent action to fix local government failures, including potholes, refuse collection, and water/sanitation, as a top task ahead of elections. It turns out that declaring something to be a priority is not sufficient...
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