Kal 🇪🇺🇺🇦🇬🇧🇺🇸🇨🇦🇪🇪🇳🇱🇵🇱🇯🇵🇮🇱🇵🇭

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Kal 🇪🇺🇺🇦🇬🇧🇺🇸🇨🇦🇪🇪🇳🇱🇵🇱🇯🇵🇮🇱🇵🇭 banner
Kal 🇪🇺🇺🇦🇬🇧🇺🇸🇨🇦🇪🇪🇳🇱🇵🇱🇯🇵🇮🇱🇵🇭

Kal 🇪🇺🇺🇦🇬🇧🇺🇸🇨🇦🇪🇪🇳🇱🇵🇱🇯🇵🇮🇱🇵🇭

@k_sze

Python/Django hacker. Bug nerd. Hates diluted shampoo and shower gel. Python/Django 編程老手。蟲痴。討厭稀釋過的洗髮液和沐浴露。潯江施氏。掛國旗是為了時刻提醒哪些是納粹/法西斯/盎撒殖民者與他們的小弟。極端中庸。

Hong Kong S.A.R. Katılım Temmuz 2007
1.2K Takip Edilen876 Takipçiler
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Lei Gong
Lei Gong@gonglei89·
🤷🏻‍♂️ Being an engineer at GE doesn’t mean you know anything about the current state of the Chinese gas turbine supply chain. A job title at a company doesn’t mean you know what you’re talking about outside the walls of your job position and company lol.
Tomek@felek22

@gonglei89 Yeah sure… I was an engineer at GE

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Jason Smith - 上官杰文
Jason Smith - 上官杰文@ShangguanJiewen·
🇨🇳Chinese Citizens LOVE Mao Zedong, and The Communist Party of China (CPC) China succeeded in becoming the world's first modern superpower, to rise in peace, because of socialism. That's a fact.✔️ 👇
李婧🇨🇳@hezehua5

世界在变,但年轻人对“教员”的敬仰,却愈发炽热🇨🇳🇨🇳🇨🇳#致敬 #少年强则国强

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Yang Yang
Yang Yang@YangYan60107172·
我朋友的孩子今年被普林斯顿录取了。他应该不会再回加拿大了,所以打算把车卖了。我帮她在我经常混的朋友圈吆喝一下。 结果里程数太少被质疑我骗人或者她里程数造假。
Yang Yang tweet media
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Gerhardt vd Merwe
Gerhardt vd Merwe@realgerhardtvdm·
Iran has the right to protect their oil and land from thieves with nukes! You literally kidnapped a country's President then stole all their oil.
Gerhardt vd Merwe tweet media
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高橋裕行
高橋裕行@herobridge·
プロフに六四天安門と書いてあったら100%バカだと思って間違いない。奴らは天安門で何が起こったのか、どうして起こったのかも何も知らない。
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Sony Thăng
Sony Thăng@nxt888·
The projection here is extraordinary. You accuse my argument of being propaganda, professionally produced, foreign-funded, designed to seem credible while serving hidden interests. Let's describe something else: A media ecosystem that has spent eighty years describing every American military intervention as a response to aggression rather than an act of it. A film industry that has produced hundreds of movies in which American soldiers are the protagonists and the people they're fighting are the backdrop. An education system that teaches American history as a story of imperfect but genuine progress. A political culture in which "support the troops" is mandatory and questioning what the troops were sent to do is unpatriotic. That is the propaganda. It has no single author. It requires no foreign paymaster. It is produced domestically, at massive scale, by a culture that has found the story it needs to tell about itself and tells it through every available channel, every single day. You swim in it, Robert. You cannot see it. You can see a small, accurate, documented argument and call it "propaganda." You cannot see the ocean you've been swimming in your entire life. That's what a really good propaganda operation looks like. Not a paid social media account. A whole culture. And you are its product.
Robert Raffety@rob_raffety

I am curious who pays you to write this crap. Are you a single individual or a team of propagandists? Clearly you’re on someone’s payroll, there is a professional element here. You’re eloquent and fact-based enough to seem credible. I doubt it’s the government of Vietnam. China? Russia? Some private entity?

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Zhai Xiang
Zhai Xiang@ZhaiXiang5·
Are these stories representative? With this, I conclude response to the report. The FT: "There's nothing for the people who moved here to do: no land and no work,” says Gu Lili, a seller of Dong jewellery and Guandong native who lives nearby… 'Lots of houses are empty...This place is too poor.'" The shop owner is not actually known by the name used in the report, another indication of the inaccuracy of the Financial Times's "interview," if it counted as one. She has lived here for ten years and told my colleague that she has earned a decent income over that time. Her family owns both a car and a home and is fully capable of supporting the education of her three kids. She did mention that many houses are left vacant. However, according to local understanding, around 70% of the town's residents work outside the area for employment. Some have also chosen to relocate elsewhere because they are not accustomed to living here. This is not equivalent to the narrative of community decline implied by the Financial Times. More importantly, isolated cases cannot represent the overall situation in Guizhou Province, let alone in China as a whole. Among relocated populations in Guizhou, the employment rate of the labor force stands at 96.89%. The per capita net income of relocated individuals has increased from 11,228 yuan (1,642 USD) in 2020 to 16,927 yuan(2,476 USD) in 2024, an increase of 50.76%. Nationwide, the per capita disposable income of rural residents in formerly impoverished areas rose from 14,051 (2,055 USD) yuan in 2021 to 17,522 yuan (2,563 USD) in 2024. The trends reflected in these data do not align with the overall impression manufactured by the report. Similarly, can one anecdote tell the whole story? The FT: "'As one farmer told me: you can't eat your tea,' he says, adding that when he made a return visit to Bandong following the Covid-19 pandemic, farmers had amassed tall stacks of unsold tea leaves in their home." We have not been able to independently verify the current situation in this specific location in Yunnan. However, even a cursory comparison with other regions suggests that such isolated observations should not be hastily generalized. For instance, in Guizhou's Jiangkou County, once designated as a poverty-stricken county, a matcha industry has been systematically developed since 2017. By 2024, its annual output value exceeded 300 million yuan (43.9 million USD). To what extent can a single anecdote, however vivid, support broader conclusions about rural livelihoods or the sustainability of poverty alleviation? It also invites another question. Why not the FT tell readers in China, growing corn is often barely viable-even with subsidies, it yields little profit. Tea, by contrast, is a commercial crop: regardless of price fluctuations, it is cultivated with the expectation of generating more income. In the past, villagers in impoverished areas of Guizhou Province were often shy when encountering outsiders. After being lifted out of poverty, they have gained greater confidence in their lives and have become more open and welcoming to visitors. In Granny Yang's village, Langley and his assistant were not only warmly received by villagers, who, concerned that they might feel cold in winter, welcomed them into their homes to warm themselves by the fire, and even sent them off with gifts for the road. Yet it is precisely within this atmosphere of goodwill and trust that the narrative later presented by him appears especially jarring. Moments of genuine hospitality were cut, rearranged, and ultimately made to serve a pre-assumed narrative framework. Curious how those villagers would feel if they saw their lives portrayed and used in this way. For a long time, foreign media outlets enjoyed considerable credibility and respect in China. Their reporting was often regarded as an authoritative source of information. Publications translating articles from outlets such as The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal into Chinese, both as a way to view China from different perspectives and as material for learning English, were once widely available. However, over the past two decades or so, the image of some foreign media in China has noticeably declined. To be frank, the reasons are not entirely clear. They may be related to the broader decline in the influence of traditional media and the loss of experienced professionals, or to shifts in the global geopolitical environment that have led some journalists to adopt more filtered perspectives. Gradually, biases in topic selection and narrative framing have become more apparent, leaving the balance and accuracy of such reporting increasingly open to question. Understanding and interpreting a country is never easy, but it should not begin with misunderstanding and misinterpretation. If trust is built on careful observation, it can just as easily be eroded by selective storytelling. Hope future reporting will reflect a fuller and more careful engagement with the realities on the ground, and credibility can be rebuilt.
Zhai Xiang@ZhaiXiang5

China declared the end of extreme poverty in early 2021 after one of the largest anti-poverty campaigns in human history. But some still seem to be asking: did it really happen? Recently, "China said it ended poverty. Did it?" by @WillLangley96 of the Financial Times, raised doubts about the authenticity and sustainability of China's poverty alleviation efforts, based on his interview in two counties of southwest China's Guizhou Province. Such doubts are not new. But when they are built on limited samples, unverified details, selectively presented anecdotes, and missing context, the report goes beyond differing perspectives and raises questions of validity. Since 2012, China has pursued a new phase of poverty alleviation through a combination of industrial development, labor mobility, transport and communication facility expansion, and health insurance subsidies. In late 2020, Guizhou, one of China's most impoverished provincial regions, announced that its last nine poor counties had been lifted out of poverty, marking the removal of all 832 registered poor counties in China. A transition period then followed, with continued monitoring and support for those lifted out of poverty and those at risk of slipping there. To better understand the claims made and stories told in this China poverty report, I conducted a careful review, cross-checking key details with colleagues and relevant authorities. The result is: a number of the article's core assertions rely on fragile evidence, and in some cases fail to meet basic standards of verification. Here's a point-by-point fact-check on the Financial Times report. The article opens with a portrait of how Yang Nai Yan Qing, in her 60s, lives a frugal life, claiming that her monthly living expenses are less than 200 yuan (29 USD). Apart from special occasions, such as the Spring Festival, when she "buys some meat if she can afford it", Yang "eats only mustard greens, cabbage and sweet potatoes, almost all of which she grows herself in a field a long walk uphill. " Through this narrative, the image of an elderly woman struggling in hardship and deserving sympathy, is gradually constructed. This week, however, when our colleague in Guizhou visited Yang in Guizhou's Congjiang County, a different picture emerged. Yang's home is a self-built, three-and-a-half-storey house, one of the larger residences in the village. The ground floor alone measures around 160 square meters. Her family is not impoverished, so the house was not government-provided, but built at their own expense about a decade ago. With her permission, my colleague took photographs of both the interior and exterior. Judge by yourself whether the portrayal of poverty holds up. Near her home stands a pagoda-like structure known as a drum tower, a distinctive feature of the Dong ethnic group (top right). It's like a community center, serving as a communal space for discussion, decision-making, festivals, and other collective activities. At its top sits a drum that functions as the village's traditional "information hub" and "alarm system": specific drumbeats are used to convey messages and mobilize villagers, before the advent of modern communication. Granny Yang recalled that around January 30 this year, a foreigner arrived at her home by car with a Chinese assistant. The man, supposedly Langley, did not identify himself as a journalist. Out of hospitality, she invited them inside for a chat. She did not understand the purpose of the visit and simply took Langley and his assistant as tourists; to this day, she still does not know what the Financial Times is. The size of Granny Yang's kitchen is spacious (bottom left)-larger, I should admit, than my own bedroom in Beijing. She showed her double-door refrigerator, which was well stocked with meat (bottom right). Perhaps, the Financial Times should consider interviewing me next time. She explained that she simply does not like eating meat. In the past, when life was more difficult, she could not afford it even if she wanted to, but now she can have it whenever she wishes. Yang, 63, and her husband, 68, each receive pensions of around 200 yuan (29 USD) per month. Her mother-in-law, who is over 90, receives both a pension and an additional allowance for the elderly. Altogether, the elderly members of the household have a stable monthly income of nearly 700 yuan (102 USD). Her son and daughter-in-law have stable jobs as a driver and a salesperson, respectively. The annual income of the household they live in together is close to 80,000 yuan (11,702 USD). Her daughter is operating a start-up. Her children also give her some pocket money each month. And, the family owns a private car. The FT also reported "many of her neighbours were relocated to newer apartment blocks downhill." However, my colleague has verified that there has been no unified resettlement in the village. The so-called new apartments are mostly self-built homes constructed by villagers in recent years. Granny Yang herself has also retained a traditional wooden house not far away, which has clear ethnic characteristics and is not in disrepair. Langley wrote that "she says her life has barely changed." We are not sure whether this reflects a communication gap, but judging from her diet storage and housing conditions, the changes have in fact been quite significant. Perhaps what has remained unchanged is her long-standing habit of frugality. To equate such a lifestyle directly with poverty risks oversimplifying a more complex reality and reinforcing a selective narrative. It's a compelling story, until you start checking the details. This is just part of my response. Will posting more today.

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