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Prabowo Subianto is eroding its finances—and its democracy economist.com/leaders/2026/0…

@karirfess Privilege terbesar orang kaya itu bukan tas atau mobil, tapi kesempatan buat jadi versi terbaik dirinya. Lebih gampang jadi “wanita lembut, sabar, humble” kalau hidup aman, ayah fungsional, ibu waras. Emosional dan financial terpenuhi, . Virtue is easier when life is kind to you

Hilmar Farid writes a great substack The Old World Prosecuting the New Reflections from the courtroom of Nadiem Makarim and the widening gap between Indonesia’s institutions and its social transformation. Hilmar Farid - May 12, 2026 I attended the corruption trial of Nadiem Anwar Makarim with a certain unease. Not only because I know him personally. Not only because I know his parents. But because, sitting in that courtroom, I felt that I was not simply watching a legal process. I was watching two worlds collide. Let me begin with a disclosure. I know Nadiem. I cannot pretend to be entirely free of bias. From what I know of him, I find it very difficult to believe that he entered public office with the intention of enriching himself, taking state money, or abusing his position for personal gain. But this is not a legal defense. Nor is it an attempt to interfere with the court. The legal process must take its course. What I want to reflect on is something else: what became visible in the courtroom. There sat Nadiem Anwar Makarim, a young Indonesian who became known first not as a politician or bureaucrat but as an entrepreneur. As one of the founders of Gojek, he belonged to a generation that helped change the everyday life of millions of Indonesians. Ordering transport, food, medicine, packages, services, and work itself, all of these were reorganized by a digital platform that many people now take for granted. This generation did not inherit the world of business as we knew it. They built another one. They moved quickly. They experimented. They worked with uncertainty. They thought in terms of platforms, networks, data, scale, and user experience. They were impatient with the slow rituals of hierarchy. They saw problems not only as administrative matters but also as design challenges. For people of my generation, digital technology arrived as something new, something we had to learn, sometimes awkwardly. For them, it was the air they breathed. This difference is not trivial. It shapes one’s instinct, one’s sense of time, one’s understanding of risk, and one’s idea of what it means to solve a problem. When someone from that world enters government, friction is inevitable. A ministry is not a startup. A public program is not a product launch. Public money must be accountable. Rules matter. Procedures matter. The state cannot move simply by intuition and speed. But the reverse is also true: government cannot face twenty-first century problems with nineteenth-century reflexes. During Nadiem’s time in office, these tensions existed. Of course they did. There were differences in style, language, expectation, and political culture. But they were managed. Whether one agrees with all of his policies or not, it is difficult to deny that he tried to bring a new grammar into a large and heavy bureaucracy. In court, however, that tension appeared in another form. Sharper. Colder. More troubling. The prosecutors questioned him again and again about corporate structures, company formation, investment arrangements, procurement logic, technical processes, and documents presented as evidence. But the more the questioning went on, the more visible the gap became. Many of the questions could be answered. Many could be clarified. Some seemed to rest on a misunderstanding of how the world being examined actually works. This was not merely a gap in information. It was a gap in historical experience. On one side was an old institutional world: bureaucratic, suspicious, procedural, trained to read deviation as danger and innovation as irregularity. On the other side was a new world: digital, experimental, networked, fast, and comfortable with forms of risk that older institutions often find difficult to name, let alone understand. The tragedy is that the old world may be losing its ability to govern the present, but it has not lost its power to punish the future. And that, to me, is the most disturbing lesson of the courtroom. This case is not important only because Nadiem is a former minister. It matters because it shows how fragile the bridge is between Indonesia’s institutions and Indonesia’s actual transformation. We like to say that Indonesia must innovate, must digitize, must attract talent, must modernize public services, and must invite capable people from outside government to serve the republic. But what happens when those very people enter the state and later find themselves judged by categories that cannot understand their work? This is not an argument against accountability. Quite the opposite. A democratic state must be able to hold power accountable. Public office must never become a shield. Corruption must be confronted. State resources must be protected. But accountability requires understanding. Without understanding, accountability becomes suspicion with legal authority. It becomes the criminalization of complexity. It turns policy risk into moral failure, administrative imperfection into criminal intent, and innovation into evidence of wrongdoing. This is where the concern extends beyond one person. Indonesia is entering a difficult period. The economy is under pressure. The regions face serious problems: education gaps, infrastructure deficits, ecological stress, uneven digital access, weak public services, and declining trust. These are not problems that can be solved by the state alone. They require collaboration between government, business, universities, civil society, communities, and people with technical knowledge who are willing to take risks. But why would such people enter public life if the message is that innovation may later be prosecuted by those who do not understand it? Investors are watching this case, yes. But investor confidence is only one symptom of a deeper illness. The larger issue is institutional confidence. Can the Indonesian state distinguish corruption from policy experimentation? Can it tell the difference between personal enrichment and administrative error? Can it recognize the difference between a bad decision and a criminal act? If those distinctions collapse, everyone becomes more cautious. Bureaucrats stop deciding. Innovators stay outside. Investors hesitate. Regional governments avoid experimentation. Public institutions become even more rigid. The country loses not only money but also courage. And courage is precisely what Indonesia needs now. Sitting in that courtroom, I felt that the defendant and the prosecutors did not merely occupy different legal positions. They seemed to come from different historical worlds. One world is passing but is still armed with the instruments of authority. The other world is emerging, but still vulnerable before institutions that do not fully understand it. This is the danger of our moment. The future is being asked to explain itself in the language of the past. And when it fails to fit that language, it is treated as suspect. The court will decide the legal question. That is its responsibility. But what unfolded in that courtroom cannot be reduced to the fate of one individual or one policy dispute. Something larger was also standing trial. What is being tested is whether new forms of knowledge, innovation, and public action can survive inside institutions still shaped by older assumptions about authority, risk, and control. Whether a generation formed by the digital age can enter public life without eventually being treated as alien to the very state it is asked to serve. That is why this case resonates far beyond the courtroom. Many people are not simply watching to see whether Nadiem Makarim is found guilty or innocent. They are watching to see how Indonesia confronts the emergence of a new social world that its institutions do not yet fully comprehend. Because when the future is forced to defend itself before a past that cannot recognize it, the danger is no longer merely legal. The future itself is on trial. ---- According to Wikipedia, Hilmar Farid is “an Indonesian academic, activist, politician and translator” who served as Director General of Culture in Indonesia’s Ministry of Education, Culture, Research, and Technology from 2015 to 2024. In his own words: “I’m a historian and cultural worker teaching at the Jakarta Institute of the Arts, learning daily from my creative students. I also work with Jalin Indonesia to unlock our biocultural riches for a sustainable future. Let’s think out loud.” If you're interested in Indonesia, especially Indonesian history, politics, culture, and ideas, he is definitely worth following on Substack: hilmarfarid.substack.com