سيف الإسلام معمر القذافي

في مثل هذه الليلة، من عام 2011، كنتُ مرمياً في صحراء زمزم، جريحاً، مطارداً من طائرات الناتو وعملائه على الأرض. وكان ساركوزي ينام في قصر الإليزيه. واليوم، ها أنا أنام في غرفة نومي الجميلة، وساركوزي ينام في زنزانته الانفرادية الموحشة. لقد اشتغلت أربعة عشر عاماً حتى نصل إلى هذه النتيجة. الحمد لله، ولا إله إلا الله، والله أكبر

Consequently, the Libyan people sought genuine independence, not the incomplete or nominal independence of 1951. The Al-Fateh Revolution represented a national celebration, with no lamentation for the monarchy. Libya’s 1951 independence was neither entirely false nor fully authentic; rather, it was an incomplete independence—a transitional stage toward the true sovereignty achieved in 1969, marked by the expulsion of American and British bases, the departure of British advisors, and the removal of Fascist Italians, thereby restoring Libya’s full autonomy¹⁹. A historical paradox is that the 1951 independence declaration, often regarded as nominal, coincided with the so-called “false” Christmas, 24–25 December, a date which was not the birth of Christ but a Roman pagan festival dedicated to the Sun god (Sol Invictus)²⁰. When Emperor Constantine I adopted Christianity, he merged pagan holidays with Christian observances, designating the Sun god’s feast as the date of Christ’s birth, creating a “fabricated” celebration²⁰. Muammar Gaddafi, in contrast, faced repeated Western attempts to overthrow him, seeking to reincorporate Libya into the sphere of influence, as noted by former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing in Power and Life, referencing plans in collaboration with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, including the 1980 attempted French attack on Gaddafi’s aircraft over the Italian island of Ustica²¹. This trajectory is further illustrated by Libyan-American confrontations, beginning with the Gulf of Sidra incident in 1981 (Operation Brim), the so-called “Al-Amara” operation in 1984, CIA-backed sabotage campaigns via Algeria and Tunisia, the 1986 Gulf of Sidra naval engagements (Line of Death), marking the first operational use of cruise missiles against the Qardabiya base in Sirte (now a Russian base), the April 1986 airstrikes on Tripoli and Benghazi (Operation El Dorado Canyon), the 1989 air engagement over the Gulf of Bomba, disputes with France over the Aouzou Strip in Chad, and ultimately NATO operations Odessa Dawn and The Only Guardian in 2011²². Gaddafi also faced indirect confrontation with the Soviet Union, exemplified by the USSR’s refusal to notify Libya of the 1986 airstrike, despite prior communication to the U.S. under the mutual notification mechanism for large bomber movements. The Soviet response to the U.S. was succinct: “Gaddafi is a troublesome friend.” This effectively granted tacit approval for the operation²³. In 2011, U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates recalled in his memoirs that Russian President Dmitry Medvedev rebuked him: “Why did you wait so long to eliminate Muammar Gaddafi?”²³. Thus, Gaddafi’s downfall in 2011 can be attributed to his refusal to align with either Russia or the United States. History demonstrates that genuine independence arrived with Muammar Gaddafi, and receded with his departure, accompanied by the return of foreign military bases, foreign diplomatic control over domestic affairs, and renewed forms of colonial influence, echoing Joseph Stalin’s historic ambitions for Libya and the Mediterranean²⁴. You can find the full post—complete with references, photos, and videos—on my Facebook page. facebook.com/SyfAlqdhafy facebook.com/share/v/19mfcu…

Contemporary accounts, together with declassified diplomatic correspondence—including the memoirs of Libya’s first American ambassador—further document that: •The American and British embassies intervened in government formation, ministerial appointments, the promotion of loyalists, and the marginalization of figures perceived to be sympathetic to Arab nationalist currents¹³. •King Idris and his regime were aligned with Western powers and operated within the orbit of NATO¹⁴. •The monarchy perceived its principal threat to be the Egyptian regime at the time, viewing the presence of American and British bases as the primary safeguard for the monarchy and the Senussi throne against potential threats from neighboring Egypt¹⁴. •The monarchy manipulated elections, excluded opponents of foreign presence, and systematically marginalized individuals with Arab nationalist sentiments in parliamentary contests¹⁴. •King Idris opposed national unification, in contrast to Bashir Al-Sadawi and the elites of western Libya, who favored a single state. Idris preferred a federal system with its capital in Al-Bayda and a mobile military force headquartered there. This arrangement favored the Bura’asa tribe, particularly the Hadad family, upon whose support the Senussi movement had historically relied¹⁴. •The abolition of the federal system and the creation of the Union of the Three States in 1963 occurred under pressure from American oil companies, due to administrative difficulties posed by a central government operating alongside three regional governments, leading to pressure on King Idris to abolish the federal structure¹⁴. From a historical perspective, certain considerations must be acknowledged: •King Idris’s acceptance of French influence was effectively inevitable, as refusal would have precluded any so-called independence, which was a Franco-American-British agreement. Thus, he was compelled to accept a limited independence, with one-third of the country under French control, or forgo independence altogether¹⁵. •The presence of American and British bases was unavoidable, as the alternative would have been a vote for trusteeship. These bases were standard in other regions, including Western Europe and Southeast Asia, and thus their presence in Libya was not unprecedented¹⁵. •The acceptance of foreign advisors in all institutions was similarly common among newly independent states lacking sufficient administrative expertise, including Singapore, Iran, Iraq, and several Gulf countries¹⁵. •The appointment of an American judge to Libya’s Supreme Court was at the request of the Libyan Minister of Justice, Fathi Al-Kikhia, due to the absence of qualified domestic personnel¹⁵. •Britain effectively guided Libyan policy, which was unsurprising given Libya’s dependence on British treasury funds and rental income from Wheelus Air Base prior to the discovery of oil¹⁵. What is historically criticized about King Idris and the monarchy is that, after the discovery of oil in 1958 and its export beginning in 1961, Libya became a wealthy state, producing over 3,000,000 barrels daily, ranking first in Africa and among the top ten oil producers worldwide. Yet, the monarchy maintained its dependency on foreign powers, retaining the bases even though their financial contributions were no longer essential¹⁶’⁶. Furthermore, Idris’s selective opposition to Italian settlement—prohibiting it in eastern Libya (Cyrenaica) while tolerating it in the west—remains a subject of historical debate¹⁷. British and American sources also indicate that King Idris lived in political and geographic isolation in Tobruk, amid disputes with the Senussi family following the assassination of Ibrahim Al-Shalhi. His disengagement from daily state affairs, combined with advancing age and lack of a direct heir, had a profound effect on his disposition and decision-making¹⁸.

In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful Pseudo-Independence or Incomplete One: Libya 1. From Golf Courses to Independence Without Sovereignty Before delving into the main topic, it is worth noting that, in recent months, two books that had been obscured within the folds of history have resurfaced. The first is Una vita per l’Italia (A Life for Italy), and the second is Libya Redenta (Redeemed Libya), which was translated into Arabic under the title For Libya. Both were written by Rodolfo Graziani¹. These references were not only concealed within Libya; they were deliberately erased and suppressed even inside Italy itself. During Libyan efforts to locate historical sources while preparing the film Omar Al-Mukhtar, the Italian government proceeded to withdraw all copies of these books from libraries, officially confiscated them, and prohibited their circulation or republication. As a result, these works disappeared for a long period and were effectively classified as banned publications, due to the shocking facts they contain, facts that contradict the official historical narrative. These recently rediscovered books confirmed facts previously discussed by Italian historians, Enzo Santarelli, Robin Rainero, Luigi Gulia, and Giorgio Rochat, in their book Omar al-Mukhtar and the Fascist Reoccupation of Libya, particularly regarding the revelation of a letter discovered by the Italians, sent by the resistance leader Omar al-Mukhtar to Prince IdrisAl-Senussi. The letter refers to “honey-colored eyes and sacks of peanuts”¹. Graziani confirmed that this letter exists in the archives of the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs¹. This evidence confirms that Prince Idris al-Senussi abandoned the jihad, abandoned Omar Al-Mukhtar and the resistance fighters, and left them to their honorable fate, while he himself preferred to play golf in Cairo with the British¹. From golf courses to the rule of Libya, and to what was termed “independence,” our narrative begins. Independence in the Context of International Rivalry and the Cold War As is well known, Libya became the object of a geopolitical contest between the Soviet Union on one side and the United Kingdom, France, the United States, and Italy on the other. The details of this struggle are extensive and are documented in numerous sources. This conflict brought the Libyan question before the United Nations as a compromise measure, allowing the powers to sidestep pressure from Stalin, who sought to claim a share of the “Libyan cake.” At the time, the Soviet Union aimed to impose a tripartite trusteeship over Libya (United States, United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union) in order to establish its own military bases, a goal that was only realized sixty-six years later, in 2017². The Soviet bloc and allied states demanded such a trusteeship to secure a foothold in Libya and access to the so-called “warm waters” of the Mediterranean. Conversely, the Western powers preferred Libyan independence for several reasons²: 1.Blocking Soviet Ambitions: Independence prevented the Soviet Union from establishing a military presence and curtailed Italian designs to regain influence over Tripolitania under the guise of a trusteeship, which had been planned to last another ten years. Independence allowed the three Western powers to negotiate base agreements with Libya without Soviet involvement, as a trusteeship would have compelled the Former USSR to secure its own military presence alongside them². 2.Avoiding Responsibility for Governance: A trusteeship would have obliged these powers to assume administrative responsibility for the Libyan population in the absence of a sovereign state, a burden they were unwilling to bear². 3.UN Diplomatic Needs: The United Nations sought a diplomatic victory following its failures in Palestine². 4.Cold War Strategic Calculations: As the Cold War emerged, Western powers aimed to secure Libya as a base for operations against the Soviet Union

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*المرجع رقم [22] • كتاب "حروب ليبيا الجوية، الجزء الثاني 1986 - 1985"، يذكر أن الرئيس الأمريكي السابق رونالد ريغان كان يعتبر ليبيا تهديدًا للمصالح الأمريكية في الشرق الأوسط وإفريقيا، بالإضافة إلى المواجهة الليبية - الأمريكية فوق خليج سرت التي وقعت سنة 1981. • كتاب "حروب ليبيا الجوية، الجزء الثاني 1986 - 1985"، يكشف عن توقيع اتفاقية مساعدة دفاعية متبادلة بين تشاد وأمريكا في يوليو 1983، كما أن أول إسقاط لطائرة ليبية (Su-22) قرب فايا لارجو بصاروخ Redeye أمريكي تم بواسطة فريق فرنسي استخدم السلاح الأمريكي المورد لتشاد. • كتاب "حروب ليبيا الجوية، الجزء الثاني 1986 - 1985"، يكشف عن الدعم الإسرائيلي الذي تلقته تشاد في حربها ضد ليبيا، حيث قام رئيس الوزراء الإسرائيلي بزيارة إنجامينا سرًا سنة 1983، ثم أرسل 12 مدربًا إسرائيليًا في طائرة محملة بالسلاح، كما تم إرسال ستة ضباط تشاديين إلى إسرائيل للتدريب على العمليات الاستخباراتية. • كتاب "حروب ليبيا الجوية، الجزء الثالث 1986 - 1985"، يكشف مشاركة فريق من مشاةالبحرية الأمريكية في معارك ميدانية (مثل معركة "بير كوران") باستخدام طائرات بدون طيار من طراز UAV Pioneer لاستطلاع المواقع الليبية، كما مارست أمريكا ضغوطًا شديدة على حكومة نجامينا لمواصلة الصراع حتى "الإطاحة بالقذافي"، رغم رغبة فرنسا في التهدئة. • معلومات مختصرة عن عمليتي فجر الأوديسا والحامي الأوحد التي شنتها قوات حلف الشمال الأطلسي على ليبيا عام 2011. *المرجع رقم [23] • كتاب "الواجب: مذكرات سكرتير في زمن الحرب"، لـ"روبرت غيتس"، صفحة 530. *المرجع رقم [24] • وكالات الأنباء العالمية تؤكد توسع النفوذ العسكري لروسيا بوضع قواعدها جنوب البحر المتوسط.

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم استقلال مزيف أم استقلال ناقص 1. من ملاعب الجولف إلى استقلال بلا سيادة قبل الشروع في الحديث عن هذا الموضوع، أودّ التنبيه إلى أنّه في الأشهر الماضية ظهر كتابان كانا مغمورين بين طيّات التاريخ؛ الأول كتاب "من أجل ليبيا"، وهو الترجمة لكتاب ليبيا المُخلَّصة (الترجمة الحرفية لLIBIA REDENTA)، والثاني من أجل إيطاليا (UNA VITA PER L’ITALIA)، وكلاهما لمؤلفهما رودولفو جراتسياني¹. هذه المراجع لم تُخفَ داخل ليبيا فحسب، بل جرى طمسها وإخفاؤها حتى داخل إيطاليا نفسها؛ فخلال بحث الجهات الليبية عن المراجع التاريخية أثناء الإعداد لتصوير فيلم عمر المختار، أقدمت الحكومة الإيطالية على سحب جميع نسخ هذه الكتب من المكتبات، ومصادرتها رسميًا، ومنعت تداولها أو إعادة نشرها. ونتيجة لذلك، اختفت هذه المؤلفات لفترة طويلة، وأُدرجت عمليًا ضمن الكتب المحظورة والممنوعة من النشر، لما تحمله من حقائق صادمة تتعارض مع السردية الرسمية للتاريخ. هذه الكتب التي كُشف عنها مؤخرًا أكّدت الحقائق التي سبق أن تحدّث عنها المؤرخون الإيطاليون: «إنزو سانتا ريللي – روبين راينيرو – لويجي قوليا – جورجيو روشا» في كتابهم (عمر المختار وإعادة الاحتلال الفاشي لليبيا)، وخاصة ما يتعلّق بالكشف عن الرسالة التي عثر عليها الطليان، والمُرسلة من المجاهد عمر المختار إلى الأمير إدريس السنوسي، والتي تتحدّث عن «العيون العسليّة وشكاير الكاكاويّة»¹. والتي أكّد غراتسياني أنّها موجودة في أرشيف الخارجية الإيطالية¹. الأمر الذي أكّد أنّ الأمير إدريس السنوسي قد تخلّى عن الجهاد، وعن عمر المختار والمجاهدين، وتركهم لمصيرهم المشرف، بينما آثر هو لعب لعبة الغولف في القاهرة مع الإنجليز¹. فمن ملاعب الغولف إلى حكم ليبيا، وما سُمّي بالاستقلال، نبدأ سردنا لهذه القصة. ⸻