Samuel Bartels

“ When plunder becomes a way of life for a group of men in a society, over the course of time they create for themselves a legal system that authorizes it and a moral code that glorifies it.” - Frédéric Bastiat

Ghana’s historic resolution at the UN titled “Declaration of the Trafficking of Enslaved Africans and Racialised Chattel Enslavement of Africans as the Gravest Crime Against Humanity” has passed.

@nabrew ‘Broni waawu’? 👀

'Recycle' 😉

I’m particularly thrilled for Ghana’s Antoine Semenyo.

What do teams that lose in a final do with the “winners” shirts and related paraphernalia that they prepare for their ‘win’? I’m asking for my Arsenal friends.

I can’t justify Ben White’s challenge on Cherki… but players detest the sort of disrespect he exhibited a moment earlier.

Man City orchestrated the play for both goals on the left side of the Arsenal defence like an NFL team. Press till it bleeds!

Why did the CAF Appeals Board strip Senegal of the 2025 AFCON title? What is likely to happen when Senegal goes to CAS? Sports journalist and lawyer Sammy Bartels breaks it down. Full #GamePlan show: youtu.be/8-3rGST1ALk?si…

“ This is crazy. I’m 21 years old, first time out of the country - I am a world indoors champion. I am just blessed and highly favoured” - Jordan Anthony

Anyone examining the CAF AFCON Regulations should note that there are two official versions: English and French. Cross-referencing both versions can help clarify certain provisions, but it's evident that the drafters could have expressed their intentions more clearly. The absence of definitions for some terms adds to the confusion. Below are a few key phrases that will be critical in evaluating the CAF Appeals Board’s decision: 1. “...it shall be considered looser(sic) and shall be eliminated for good from the current competition” (Art 82). What exactly does “eliminated for good” entail? Given that punishments for forfeiture are conjunctive, will Senegal be completely removed from the tournament records, meaning they wouldn’t even receive silver if this decision stands? This could represent the most severe outcome—a total elimination—which is a mandatory action according to Article 84 for any violation of Article 82. Why did the Board not address this aspect in their decision? 2. “...leaves the ground” (Art 82) Some have attempted to interpret “ground” broadly as “stadium.” While this interpretation seems reasonable, the French version of the Regulations uses “Le terrain,” indicating that it’s referring to the playing field rather than a stadium. 3. “… refusal to play” — The regulations don’t specify the duration of a delay required to constitute a “refusal to play.” Does a 17-minute protest, followed by a full resumption of play, meet the stringent legal standard of a "refusal," which typically connotes a permanent cessation to the activity?

Raymond Hack makes a logical and argument that Article 84 requires conjunctive application of the provisions of articles 82 and 83 of the CAF AFCON Regulations. As plausible as this is, let’s scrutinize this argument further as the interpretation may be more nuanced — Disjunctive vs. Conjunctive Application • The phrasing of Article 84—"The team which contravenes the provisions of articles 82 and 83..."—initially appears conjunctive. However, a functional legal reading of the regulations reveals they address distinct, mutually exclusive scenarios: •Article 82 covers behavioral non-compliance during a match, such as refusing to play or leaving the groundbefore the regular end of the match without referee authorization.
 •Article 83 covers punctuality and presence, specifically a team not being present on the ground and dressed to play within 15 minutes of the fixed kick-off time.
 • Because a team cannot simultaneously be "absent at kick-off" (Art. 83) and "leave the ground before the end" (Art. 82), the use of "and" in Article 84 acts as a collective reference to the penalties for either violation. • Therefore, a breach of either article is sufficient to trigger the sanctions in Article 84.

🤝

Here are my initial thoughts on the CAF Appeals Committee's recent decision: 1. It's important for each party involved to have the right to assert their perspective and take steps to support or defend their position. Morocco was entitled to appeal after considering the relevant laws following the DC decision, and Senegal has the right to pursue whatever remedies they see fit. 2. This is a critical juncture for CAF; they find themselves under scrutiny in the public eye. The legitimacy of their decision is being questioned, and state actors are likely to weigh in, making this a particularly significant ruling. 3. It's crucial to recognize that it was a judicial body of CAF that decided to revoke Senegal’s title—not CAF as a whole or its President. However, the controversies surrounding CAF’s seeming favoritism towards Morocco, along with the recent postponement of WAFCON, create a troubling context that cannot be overlooked. Are these factors simply correlated, or do they play a causal role? 4. The CAF President is emphasizing the integrity and impartiality of the members of its judicial bodies. While it’s unjust to question their honesty, the inconsistency of decisions made by CAF and its judicial bodies will inevitably be revisited and examined closely. 5. There has been considerable emphasis on fairness and proportionality in this case. CAS historically has leaned towards proportionate responses and maintaining sporting integrity. Is the decision to strip a continental title—an esteemed accolade in African sports—a justified reaction to a 17-minute protest that involved no violence and where the game continued? Will CAS adhere to its own standards regarding "Sporting Integrity"? 6. Are there possible resolutions beyond the binary options currently presented? Is it simply Senegal retaining the trophy versus Morocco winning 3-0 and being crowned champions? Such dichotomies tend to simplify complex issues and stifle creativity. Does the law permit a more nuanced solution that addresses the concerns of all stakeholders? 7. It’s highly likely that the final ruling from CAS will leave no party entirely satisfied, creating lasting repercussions in African football. Is the sport prepared for the aftereffects of what may be a hollow victory? 8. CAF President Dr. Motsepe claims this is about legacy. Yet, which interpretation of this situation will redeem CAF and African football from the chaos that followed Senegal's 1-0 win in the 2025 Final? 9. What will the final decision mean for both his legacy and that of CAF? How might it alter the landscape of African football? Could the very legacy that Motsepe aims to build inadvertently tarnish his time as CAF President? 10. “Fiat iustitia ruat caelum”—"Let justice be done though the heavens fall!"

“It takes 20 years to build a reputation and five minutes to ruin it. If you think about that, you’ll do things differently.” — Warren Buffet

1. The most serious injustice in this situation is the poverty that forces a nursing mother in Ghana to fail on a Ghs300 (around 28 USD) loan and then face such cruel treatment. 2. The person who captured this on film deserves recognition—thanks to them, the world can witness these appalling actions. 3. There is no circumstance under which this incident can be justified. 4. Sadly, experience suggests that we can expect commentary, political promises, some handouts, and attempts by various groups and individuals to exploit the victim’s situation instead of seeing real actions taken to tackle the root problems. 5. I sincerely hope the police have received a complaint and are moving forward with an investigation. 6. Regarding the employers of the individuals involved, it's essential that they take disciplinary action against those responsible and work towards improving their recovery culture. 7. While pursuing a lawsuit for the victim would be beneficial, it is often complicated by financial constraints—either the lack of funds to pursue the case or too much money that can create conflict between the lawyer and the client.

This week started with talk of 6 English teams reaching the last 8 of the UEFA Champions League…

What is this called?

“ … democracy, the rule of law, accountable government are not naturally occurring phenomena. They are not even, historically speaking, normal. They have to be fought for, built, sustained, defended.” —- Allan Little

The 52 award winners of this year’s President’s Independence Day Awards are distributed across the nation's top-tier schools. Here is a breakdown: Wesley Girls’ High School: 6 winners. Holy Child School: 5 winners. St. James Sem. Senior High School: 4 winners. Presbyterian Boys' SHS (Legon & Mampong combined): 4 winners. Opoku Ware School: 3 winners. Prempeh College: 3 winners. 📸: graphic.com.gh

Evolution of Ghana’s ministerial appointments: 1957 vs. Modern Day 1. The "Youthful" Executive In 1957, the ministerial team was dominated by men in their late 30s and early 40s. B. Yeboah-Afari was the youngest at just 36. In contrast, and contrary to popular perception, modern ministerial appointments in Ghana’s Fourth Republic often lean toward older, more established political figures, with the average age frequently exceeding 50. President Mahama’s ministers have an average age of around 50 years. 2. Evolution of Cabinet Size The 1957 cabinet was lean, featuring only 13 primary portfolios (including the Prime Minister and two Ministers without Portfolio). Recent administrations have seen cabinet sizes grow significantly, sometimes exceeding 100 ministers. 3. Gender Representation The 1957 publication shows an entirely male cabinet. Ghana’s first female minister of state and cabinet minister was Susanna Al-Hassan, a teacher and author from Tamale who was first appointed as the Deputy Minister of Education in 1961. In 1963, she was promoted to Minister of Social Affairs, making her the first woman in Ghana (and notably, the first African woman) to hold a full cabinet portfolio. Women now regularly head key ministries. 4. Professional Diversity The 1957 ministers were largely drawn from the "Nationalist" elite—many were teachers, lawyers, and journalists who had been central to the independence struggle. Today's appointments tend to draw more heavily from corporate backgrounds, academia, and career technocrats, reflecting a shift from "revolutionary" politics to administrative governance. Although this trend is beginning to change as more ‘ordinary’ people enter Parliament.

What does Independence Day mean to you as a Ghanaian?