TheH 🇪🇺🍀🇪🇺Ï🇺🇦Ï🇮🇱🇩🇪🇪🇸🇫🇷🇮🇹

@JohannesHano My flag, my country! #EU #Europe #EuropeanUnion 👏👏👏

It is time for a European Security Council ft.trib.al/Ygkqu8F

Europe has spent years ignoring everything Russia says and does, letting the US hold mock negotiations, and living in denial as Ukrainians gave their lives to defend their nation and protect the rest of Europe.

Kasparov: Europe is still not ready to say the magic formula: Russia must lose, Ukraine must win. But the war cannot end while Putin is in power, because under Putin war has become the way the entire Russian state apparatus exists. 1/

Die Entscheidung ist gefallen. 37 Staaten, darunter Deutschland, haben den Weg für das Sondertribunal geebnet. Russlands Krieg ist nicht von selbst entstanden. Er wurde geplant, angeordnet und umgesetzt – von konkreten Personen. Ohne Gerechtigkeit ist Frieden nicht möglich.

A war of orders: Russia, Ukraine, and the future of Europe in three texts. My attention was drawn to three recent texts that read like a single argument. Duncan Allan explains why Russia is destroying the European order built after 1991. Olena Snigyr shows what kind of order Russia is building in its place. The SWP study describes what is emerging in response: European security with Ukraine inside it and Russia outside it. The shared conclusion is clear. The war against Ukraine is not a war over territory. It is a war over how Europe is structured: who has the right to sovereignty, and who gets to write the rules of security. Duncan Allan identifies the root cause. Russia acts according to the logic of a great power - and this is not merely about strength or influence, but about special rights: to rule at home without outside criticism, to maintain a sphere of influence, to limit the choices of its neighbors, and to demand recognition as an equal. This leads to a conclusion that many avoid: the issue is not NATO. What Moscow cannot tolerate is the very idea that neighboring states can choose their own course independently. That destroys the Russian hierarchy in which states are not equal. Olena Snigyr shows what exactly Russia is building in place of what it has destroyed. The Russian international order is a system of unequal circles. At the center is Russia itself and the space of its direct control. Further out are neighbors held in place through force, dependency, intimidation, and bought elites. Further still are partners tied by benefit, anti-Western solidarity, and a shared interest in weakening the West. The tools vary - violence, gas, debt, corruption, information campaigns. The principle is the same: the world is divided into zones of influence among several powers, and Russia is among those that decide for others. Here, both authors converge: Russia’s foreign policy is the export of its domestic order. Allan describes the current system as wartime Putinism resting on three pillars: repression, anti-Western mobilization, and a militarized economy. Snigyr shows that the same logic is projected outward. Russia does not simply want influence - it reproduces around itself its own model of power: coercion, control, dependency, and managed approval. That is why not only tanks and gas contracts matter, but narratives as well. The Russian order rests on stories: the external enemy, “traditional values,” a special path, the cult of Victory, the “historical unity” of peoples. These stories turn violence into “protection,” dependency into “brotherhood,” and the seizure of another country’s sovereignty into “historical justice.” Ukraine and Belarus occupy a special place. Control over them is not a trophy, but part of the answer to the question of what Russia itself is. If Ukraine consolidates itself as a sovereign European state, it is not only Russia’s plan of influence that collapses - the very story through which the Kremlin justifies itself collapses as well. That is why the war is not instrumental for the regime, but existential. At stake is Moscow’s right to decide the fate of its neighbors - and its demand that the West recognize this right. SWP adds a third dimension: Europe’s response. The old model, in which Russia was treated as a partner or at least a necessary interlocutor, can no longer be restored. The question is now different: how to build European security with Ukraine inside the system - and without Russia among those who write its rules. Russia is not going anywhere; it remains the main military threat. But from a co-creator of the order, it has turned into a state from which that order must be defended. Ukraine, meanwhile, is moving in the opposite direction - from a “security problem” into one of its supporting pillars. The former buffer and object of other people’s agreements has become a condition of a stable European order: one guaranteed by the Ukrainian army, resilience, and political choice. This is where the three texts come together. Allan explains why compromise with Russia is so difficult: its demands are not about concessions, but about the very principle of order. Snigyr explains why Russia will not back down: the project is embedded in the way the regime holds power and sees itself. SWP explains why the response is becoming a restructuring of European security around Ukraine and against the Russian threat. The same framework also exposes the weak point. From the outside, Russia looks invulnerable: it adapts to sanctions, shifts the economy onto a war footing, applies pressure through repression, and maintains support through fear and control of information. But endurance is not stability. Snigyr shows where the limit lies: the system can absorb gradual pressure, but not simultaneous pressure. Economic collapse can be absorbed. Military defeat can be rewritten by propaganda. Political crisis can be suppressed. But when the pillars weaken together, rather than one by one, the regime loses its ability to adapt. Snigyr also points to the paradox: the regime’s greatest strength is also its point of fragility. All the legitimacy of power is concentrated in one figure - this provides control, but it also makes the system hostage to one person. Once that center disappears, the regime begins to disintegrate from within until it finds a replacement. The conclusion for Europe is direct. If the challenge is not only military, then the response cannot be only military either. Defense, support for Ukraine, sanctions, technological containment, and strategic clarity are necessary - but not sufficient. Russia is fighting over how people see reality, history, and justice. Therefore, Europe must defend not only borders, but also the ability to call things by their names. Aggression is not a “conflict of interests.” A sphere of influence is not a “security guarantee.” Conquest is not “historical justice.” And peace is not a return to an order in which the aggressor dictates rules to the victim. Together, these texts show one thing: Russia’s war against Ukraine is the front line of a wider war of orders. Russia is destroying a model in which states choose their own path. Ukraine is defending not only its territory, but that principle itself. And Europe is reaching the conclusion it avoided for a long time: its security cannot be built by appeasing Russia - only by including Ukraine, containing Russia, and defending the rules without which Europe ceases to be itself.

NEU — Der Kommandeur der 🇺🇦 GUR-long-range-Unit hat bestätigt, dass die ukrainischen 🇺🇦 Angriffs-Drohnen jetzt eine Reichweite von über 3.500 km haben und damit jedes Ziel in Russland 🇷🇺, bis zum Ural in Reichweite liegt. — gestern Nacht traf es Jekaterinburg, ~ 2.000km entfernt.

Reporter: "Zelenskyy is asking U.S. for more Patriot missiles?" Hegseth: "Where we can help Ukraine, we have. We want Ukrainians to be able to defend, and we'll find way to do that." No. The American people helped, but this has nothing to do with you. All your administration ever did was cut weapon supplies, and right before your theatrical negotiations, probably to signal to Russia whose side you are actually on. Then, for an entire year, you pressured us to surrender. Russia is openly stating they will escalate attacks on civilians. We are asking to buy Patriot missiles, not to receive them as gifts. You have a real opportunity to save lives. Instead, you give evasive answers while our time runs out.

Zwei asymmetrische Strategien: Russland steigert seine Luftangriffe gegen Kyiv und andere ukrainische Städte, um die Widerstandskraft der Bevölkerung zu brechen. Gleichzeitig greift die Ukraine mit wachsendem Erfolg die russische Logistik, Rüstungsbetriebe und Energieanlagen an, um die Kriegsfähigkeit des Aggressors zu untergraben. Europa kann den Ausgang dieses Wettlaufs entscheidend beeinflussen: durch verschärfte Sanktionen gegen Russland und die Lieferung von Flugabwehr + Waffen großer Reichweite an die Ukraine. #Taurus

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❗️“The United States wants Ukraine to be able to defend itself, and we will find a way to help them,” — U.S. Secretary of Defense Hegseth. “We continue to learn from what Ukraine has done on the battlefield. We have learned a great deal from them and from the way they operate.”

Russian imperialism needs to be defeated

I know it is his job, but the fact Zelenskyy has been working every single day for the past 1,555 days should be highly commended. The man is fucking relentless, a daily inspiration. Thank you @ZelenskyyUa 🫡 Slava Ukraini 🇺🇦

He has not stopped working for Ukraine for a single day in 4 years. More than President. This is Volodymyr Zelensky🇺🇦 Respect to this man, every day..🫡

We held a special meeting on our next steps. First – diplomacy. We are in contact almost every day with envoys of the President of the United States and our European partners. We noted how the situation with air defense supplies – and our arrangements more broadly – unfolds. We set priorities for the coming weeks: antiballistic capabilities, bilateral documents on drone production and supply – including a Drone Deal with the European Union – and preparations for meetings in several formats. We are preparing for important negotiations – for now, without public details. Second – we must continue the humanitarian track, the exchanges that had already been agreed upon. I instructed the team to contact partners who can now help step up the necessary mediation. Third – there will be new decisions in support of Ukraine, including for our energy sector. We are finalizing the details. Glory to Ukraine!

Our new long-range sanctions – and this is 500 kilometers from our state border. We are rightfully bringing the war back to where it came from. Russia could have ended its aggression long ago, but instead chose to prolong and continue it. So another facility of Russia’s oil industry has been reached – Armavir, Krasnodar Krai. I thank our Security Service warriors for this result. What matters is that, step by step, we are carrying out our plan of long-range sanctions – in response to everything Russia is doing against our country and our people. All forms of our sanctions – legal and entirely practical long-range ones – are working to bring peace closer. Thank you for your precision!

Putin is losing this war. Tried to take all Ukraine—failed. Tried to overthrow Zelenskyy—failed. Tried to demilitarize Ukraine—failed. Tried to stop NATO expansion—failed. I honestly can't believe this war has not ended yet.

🇺🇦 DeepState reports that Ukrainian forces have liberated territory near Novoselivka and advanced through a series of settlements on the Oleksandrivka sector, where clearing operations are now ongoing in the areas of Voronne, Sichneve, Piddubne, Tovste, Novokhatske, and Zelenyi Hai. As a result of these advances, Russian forces have lost at least 46 km² of territory, according to DeepState.

Never trust the Kremlin.

JD Vance: “You can’t boo me. I’m the Vice President of the United States.” America: Yes, we can.

Unable to defeat Ukraine on the battlefield, Russia targets civilians all across Ukraine. They're also unable to defeat Ukrainians, who fight on alone. A campaign of terror and murder in Europe. Must read: