Son of Somaliland

Ajax is alles wat aan voetbal zo mooi is. Best gek eigenlijk dat niet iedereen Ajacied is.

@sultanwho Café Mona Lisa on the Muse Bihi Road in Jigg Jigga Yar

Where is the best coffee place in Somaliland ?

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I have a confession to make. Maybe I speak for many in my generation. I’ve waited for this movement all my life. And for a long time, I felt we had let our people down. One generation liberated Somaliland. One made peace. One healed the wounds of genocide. One built from the ground up. Our task was the easiest: Sell Somaliland’s story. For too long, we failed. But not anymore. As Somaliland recognition gains momentum, our greatest challenge is no longer just to be heard. It is to go back home and renovate everything. Happy 18 May Somaliland

@_onlyscott Di Maria

To the people of Somaliland, at home and across the world, especially our young people: You were born of a free people and raised under a flag earned through bloodshed, sacrifice, resilience, and unwavering belief in dignity. The Republic of Somaliland did not appear by chance; it was reclaimed through pain, patience, and principle. Today, as hostility and hatred are once again directed at our existence, history calls upon you; not with fear, but with resolve and responsibility. This is a defining moment. Somalilanders everywhere, those born in the Republic of Somaliland and those born in Europe, North America, the Arab world and elsewhere in the world; you carry an equal duty: defending the truth of who we are, the legitimacy of our statehood, and the right of our people to exist in peace and freedom. There is no substitute for this responsibility, and as Somalilanders WE HAVE NO ALTERNATIVE HOMELAND WAITING FOR US!! Therefore, defend the Republic of Somaliland with your voice, your intellect, your professionalism, your unity, and your lawful strength. Defend it in every language, every platform, every forum, every institution, and every means justified by law, morality, and national honour. Let the enemy and partners in crime see who we are! Somalilanders are not a people who beg for existence. We are a nation that proves it, again and again. The Republic of Somaliland lives because its people stand for it. Always.

RED CARPET vs RETREAT: WHEN STABILITY WELCOMES THE WORLD AND CHAOS TURNS DIPLOMACY AWAY!! The state visit of Israel’s Foreign Minister H.E. Gideon Sa’ar to the Republic of Somaliland, marked by full honours and a red-carpet welcome, underscored a simple truth: LEGITIMACY IS EARNED THROUGH STABILITY, SECURITY, AND TRUST. The visit reflected confidence in Somaliland’s institutions and people, and a diplomatic relationship conducted openly, free from fear, barricades, public curfews or hesitation. By contrast, the cancelled visit of China’s Foreign Minister to Mogadishu due to security concerns highlighted the cost of prolonged instability. Where safety cannot be guaranteed, diplomacy falters. This contrast is not rhetoric but reality: NATIONS THAT INVEST IN PEACE ATTRACT ENGAGEMENT, WHILE INSECURITY KEEPS EVEN FRIENDS AT ARM'S LENGTH. THE DIFFERENCE IS CLEAR: The Republic of Somaliland is a responsible state that has built peace, democracy, and progress for its people. Somalia, for 34 years, has failed to deliver even basic human needs; held hostage by warlords and gangs who have thrived on bloodshed, hunger, and insecurity.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 SNM entstand also nicht aus Luft, sondern aus dem erlebten Ausschluss, der wachsenden Frustration über ein System, das die Isaaq strukturell benachteiligte. Gewalt gegen einzelne war vorhanden, aber der viel tiefere Missstand war die systematische Unterdrückung eines ganzen Clans

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 Nur weil es vor 1981 keine groß angelegten Massaker gab, heißt das nicht, dass die Isaaq nicht systematisch unterdrückt wurden. Strukturelle Diskriminierung kann genauso zerstörerisch sein wie offene Gewalt und genau das war der Fall.

"Who bombs a hospital? Who bombs a school? Who bombs a mosque?" These are questions Edna Aden is asking in the video below, shared by @MHudisha27306 . First, the reality of the civil war in northern Somalia in the 1980s was that the guerillas of the SNM knew that their attacks would provoke harsh counter measures by the military dictatorship. This does not excuse the human rights violations of the Somali forces in Hargeysa, Burco, Berbera, Carabsiyo, Gabiley etc. But it shows that the rebels were not as innocent as some Somalilanders would like to characterise them today. The SNM occupied parts of Hargeysa and Burco in a desparate move in May 1988, because the patron of the rebels, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia, had reached an agreement with Mohamed Siyad Barre of Somalia earlier on 1988 to end the funding of respective anti-regime insurgents. The SNM was then hiding among civilians in Hargeysa and Burco - in itself also a war crime. The reaction of the Barre regime was brutal. But from the SNM perspective, this brutality was also helpful. It left masses of Isaaq civilians with no choice but to support the rebells. Before late May 1988, not all Isaaq were ready to side with the SNM. After June 1988, the SNM became "the Isaaq people up in arms" as Gerard Prunier, who was with the SNM in the late 1980s, put it in an article published 1990 africabib.org/rec.php?RID=10… In hindsight one could argue: the SNM won in the north because, not due to the brutal bombardments of Hargeysa and Burco. This brings me to my second point: Edna lamenting the bombardments of schools, hospitals and mosques in 1988 is an expression of hopeless double standards, if you compare this statement of hers with what she said about Lasanod in 2023. During the siege which the Somaliland army aka Isaaq forces laid on Lasanod, she said: "Destroy Lasanod, we will build a better one". This statement was uttered while SL/Isaaq forces were shelling hospitals, schools and mosques in Lasanod, as outlined e.g. here msf.org/extreme-violen… Younger fans of Edna including @MHudisha27306 and the infamous @NimkoAli had no problems in 2023 cheering on their own clan forces attacking others who opposed the Isaaq regime in Hargeysa. To claim "genocide" when your own insurgency is met by state forces and to cry "terrorists" when your clan-state meets opposition is a clear case of "epistemic highjacking" as recently defined by Zakariya Weyrax here: wardheernews.com/why-the-celebr…

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 3) Wie in den anderen tweets gesagt gab es schon seit ende der 70er gezielte Verhaftungen, Überwachung, Einschränkungen der Meinungsfreiheit und Schikanen gegen Isaaq, besonders gegen jede Form von politischem Protest.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 2) Hargeisa und andere nördliche Städte erhielten deutlich weniger Investitionen, Straßen, Schulen und Universitäten als Mogadischu oder der Süden. Junge Isaaq hatten keine vergleichbaren Chancen auf Ausbildung und wirtschaftlichen Aufstieg.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 1) Politische Macht war zentralisiert. Einzelne Minister oder Offiziere ändern nichts daran, dass isaaq kaum Einfluss auf politische Entscheidungen hatten. Entscheidungen über Ressourcen, Infrastruktur und Entwicklung lagen fast ausschließlich in den Händen südlicher Clans

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 Südliche Regionen erhielten deutlich mehr staatliche Ressourcen, Bildungschancen und Entwicklungschancen als der Norden. Dies ist ein belegt strukturiertes Muster, das zeigt, wie die Somaliland langfristig benachteiligt wurde – auch bevor direkte Gewalt eskalierte.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 Diese Namen reichen nicht aus, um strukturelle Benachteiligung zu widerlegen. Auch wenn einige Isaaq‑Offiziere im Militär dienten, war die staatliche Planung, Investitionsverteilung und infrastrukturelle Entwicklung ungleich.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 Widerstand gegen ein autoritäres Regime ist kein Angriffskrieg. Selbst wenn man sagt, die SNM habe den bewaffneten Kampf begonnen: Das rechtfertigt weder Bombardierungen von Städten, noch kollektive Bestrafung, noch Massaker an Zivilisten.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 Der Vergleich ist falsch. Der Zweite Weltkrieg wurde von einem Staat mit einem Angriffskrieg begonnen. In Somaliland 1981 erhob sich eine Oppositionsbewegung gegen eine Diktatur, nicht um fremdes Gebiet zu erobern, sondern als Reaktion auf Repression, Marginalisierung und Gewalt.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 Dieses Klima aus Unterdrückung führte zur Radikalisierung im Exil – daraus entstand 81 die SNM. Die späteren Massaker waren keine folge der SNM, sondern die Verantwortung des Regimes. Täter bleiben Täter, auch wenn sich Menschen zuvor organisieren, um sich zu wehren.

@HoehneVirgil @MHudisha27306 In den späten 70ern herrschten politische Repression, gezielte Benachteiligung, Verhaftungen von Regimekritikern, Machtkonzentration zugunsten bestimmter Clans und zunehmende Militarisierung der Nordregion nach dem Ogaden-Krieg.