Uyghur Human Rights Project

Join @IRIglobal and @UyghurProject for a discussion on @HenrykSzad 's report, Fading Ties: Uyghur Family Separation as a Tool of Transnational Repression. 📅 Thursday, May 28, 2026 🕒 3:00 PM ET 📍1225 I (Eye) Street NW, Suite 800, Washington, DC 20005 🔗RSVP: forms.gle/t2MYTbFSqUDqVV…

🔗 Register here: docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAI…

Join our next virtual advocacy session tomorrow to connect with advocates and learn how to engage the legislative process to take action for Uyghur human rights: 📅 Wednesday, May 27, 2026 🕐12PM ET 🔗Register for meeting link @Uyghur_American, @CUyghurs, @CUyghurstudy, @UyghurAcademyUS, and @PeaceCatInt

Happening this week –– join us this Thursday, May 28, for a discussion on Uyghur family separation and transnational repression. 🔗 Register: forms.gle/Z4JZA7PraztLkV…

Today is renowned Uyghur scholar Dr. Rahile Dawut’s 60th birthday—spent behind bars as she serves a life sentence for documenting and preserving Uyghur culture. Her scholarship is not a crime. China must release Rahile Dawut now, and free all unjustly detained and imprisoned Uyghur scholars. uhrp.org/statement/uhrp…

在新疆地区，约65%的清真寺（约1.6万座）被拆除或严重损坏；伊斯兰宗教习俗（如斋月封斋、留胡须、戴头巾、祈祷、哈拉食品）被刑事化，违反者可被判刑。墓地、圣地被推平或改建。家庭中派驻中共党员“同吃同住同劳动”监控宗教行为。 维吾尔语在学校和日常生活中受罚；儿童被禁止说母语；630多个维吾尔村名（含宗教文化意义）被改成汉语名称；强制学习普通话并强制灌输中共意识形态。 在西藏地区，宗教政策重点是“藏传佛教中国化”（Sinicization）和语言同化。僧尼必须宣誓效忠中共和社会主义，禁止公开崇拜达赖喇嘛；寺庙受严密监控，限制新建僧侣、传统节日（如萨嘎达瓦节在拉萨被禁）；部分僧侣因教授藏语或宗教被捕（如2021-2026年卡孜寺僧人Palden Yeshi被判6年）。藏语逐步退出学校核心课程（2026年起高考藏语科目调整）；约100万藏族儿童进入寄宿学校，强制普通话教学，与家庭分离，旨在“文化同化”。游牧民被迫定居并学习普通话。 在内蒙古，2020年8月起，中小学在“语文”“道德与法治”“历史”三科逐步以普通话取代蒙古语教学，使用全国统编汉语教材。此事引发蒙古人大规模抗议（家长罢课、学生游行），当局逮捕抗议者、关闭蒙古语社交平台、强迫“认罪”。此后蒙古语教学进一步压缩，学校名称也去“蒙古”化。 目前整个内蒙古蒙古语已被边缘化，年轻人与传统文化断层；抗议者遭监控、解雇或拘留。2023年后学校基本取消蒙古语基础教学。 chinese.uhrp.org/insights/%e4%b…

🇸🇪 Uyghur activists in Sweden report surveillance, intimidation, and threats to loved ones as part of China’s transnational repression. A recent study by Michel Harb and Arne F. Wackenhut shows that despite fear and trauma, many activists are even more determined to speak out. #abstract" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener">tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.10…

⚖️ Recent U.S. Trade Representative hearings highlighted global enforcement gaps on forced labor imports. Advocacy groups warn that imports ties to Uyghur forced labor, banned in the US by the UFLPA, still enter global markets via countries lacking sufficient enforcement mechanisms. @davelawder @Reuters reuters.com/world/us/some-…

📰Issue 23 of the #UyghurReader is out! A biweekly roundup of reporting & analysis on the Uyghur crisis, including the Trump-Xi Summit, transnational repression, and enforcement of forced-labor laws. uhrp.org/uyghur-reader/…

In a new op-ed published by @thehill, CFU Executive Director @RushanAbbas makes it clear -- in his summit with Chinese Communist Party Secretary Xi Jinping, President Trump must prioritize the release of Dr. Gulshan Abbas and other political prisoners unjustly detained by the CCP. The human rights abuses perpetuated by Beijing run contrary to America’s 250-year history of democracy and freedom. Trump has a historic opportunity to publicly and privately demand that China end its genocidal agenda and bring these prisoners home. Read the full op-ed here: thehill.com/opinion/intern…

The attention on the Uyghurs has been fading. Especially now under Trump, we have seen a decrease in overall attention to human rights. However, the visit is an opportunity for Trump to press Xi Jinping to end the crimes against humanity in Xinjiang. nytimes.com/2026/05/13/us/…

House unanimously passes resolution urging Trump to secure release of detainees in China thehill.com/homenews/house…

Happening tomorrow, 12PM ET! 🔗Register here: docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAI…

New Op-Ed from @OmerKanat1 ⬇️

New report from @USCIRF further confirms what we've long warned: China is codifying and escalating "sinicization of religion" policy – deepening restrictions on religious practice for Uyghur Muslims, Tibetan Buddhists, and all religious communities. uscirf.gov/publications/c…

在漫长的欧亚大陆史中，叙事权从来不是中性的。它往往落入那些能够把军事征服、行政整 合与文字书写结合在一起的庞大政治实体手中。疆域一旦被画入某个帝国或现代国家的地图 ，后来的史家便常常倒转因果，把暴力形成的边界解释为自古以来的秩序，把被征服者的沉 默解释为天然归属。二十世纪东亚与内亚的历史，正是在这样的叙事装置中被重新铸造的。 所谓“大一统”史观，正是这种装置的现代形态。它以现代民族国家的名义，回收帝国遗产 ；又以帝国遗产的尺度，扩张现代国家的疆界。其核心并不是历史事实，而是一种政治神学 ：只要某片土地曾被某个中原王朝、满洲王朝或中华民国政权纳入过行政想象，它便被宣布 为“天然属于中国”。在这个逻辑中，土地不再有原住民记忆，族群不再有自己的政治经验 ，契约不再具有约束力。历史被改写为主权的附庸。 满洲国在这里并不是一个孤立的东北史问题，而是“中华中心论”法理结构中最早暴露出来 的裂缝。现代中国叙事声称自己对满洲、蒙古、新疆、西藏等清帝国边疆拥有继承权，其底 层依据常常不是这些地区人民的明确同意，而是1912年清帝退位时形成的法统转移。换言之 ，汉族民族主义者所谓的“天然权利”，其实并不天然；它依赖的是《清帝退位诏书》以及 相关优待条件所构成的一套政治契约。 被征服者的历史权利：满洲、同突厥斯坦与现代中国叙事的裂缝 chinese.uhrp.org/insights/%e8%a…