ydn

10.8K posts

ydn

ydn

@yairdn

(((globalist))), universalist, secularist, urbanist, transhumanist, Tottenham supporter. Fully Automated Luxury Space Communism :)

Melbourne Katılım Ekim 2009
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Ahmed Al-Khalidi
Ahmed Al-Khalidi@khalidi79397·
Erdogan, this week: Israel runs a "blood-stained genocide network." Turkey may intervene militarily. "just as we entered Karabakh, just as we entered Libya, we will do the same to them." Spain demands sanctions. Ireland and Belgium condemn the "weaponization of aid." Macron accuses Israel of "killing women and children." Germany's Merz says he "no longer understands" what Israel is doing. 28 countries signed a joint letter: the war "must end now." The world has spoken. Israel is the aggressor. The obstacle to peace. Here is what Israel wrote into its Declaration of Independence. May 14, 1948. While five armies invaded simultaneously: "WE EXTEND our hand to all neighbouring states and their peoples in an offer of peace and good neighbourliness." The response? Lebanon made it a crime to talk to an Israeli. Not trade. Not do business. Talk. In 2024, a journalist was arrested because a fake account in her name replied to an Israeli on X. Syria, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Yemen, Saudi Arabia have passed formal boycott laws. Thirteen countries refuse to stamp an Israeli passport. Seven won't let you in if your passport shows you've been to Israel. And Turkey, the country lecturing about peace? It has occupied northern Cyprus for 50 years. The European Court of Human Rights found it guilty of ethnic cleansing, systematic rape, and torture. It destroyed 3,000 Kurdish villages. Afrin in Syria was 97% Kurdish before Turkey arrived. Now it's under 40%. One side wrote a hand of peace into its birth certificate. The other made it illegal to shake it.
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How To AI
How To AI@HowToAI_·
Researchers just proved that every single elementary function, sin, exp, log, sqrt, comes from one single binary operator. It is like finding the “God Particle" for calculus. In computer science, every complex program breaks down to a single logical operator: the NAND gate. It is the fundamental building block of all digital reality. But for continuous math, physics, engineering, machine learning, we thought we needed a massive toolbox. Addition. Subtraction. Trigonometry. Logarithms. Every scientific calculator and neural network has to juggle all of them. Until today. But this paper proved that every single mathematical function can be generated by a single, bizarre binary operator. eml(x,y) = exp(x) - ln(y). Combine that with the number 1, and you can build everything. Pi. The square root. Sine and Cosine. Arithmetic. It is all just the exact same operator, repeating over and over again in a binary tree. Nobody anticipated this existed. It was found by systematic exhaustive search. But the implications for AI are massive. Instead of an AI struggling to combine different mathematical rules to discover a new scientific law, it can just use a single, uniform architecture. One trainable circuit. One repeatable node. We thought the language of the universe was complex. It turns out, it's just one equation repeating in the dark.
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Cassie likes Israel
Cassie likes Israel@CassieX1981·
@Claire_V0ltaire Please give us more detail about those other countries and their policies so we can post detailed response to those nazis. Thank you - like which one has it in its constitution that they are muslim. If u already have the info. Thx
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Russell
Russell@Russell0123456·
@Claire_V0ltaire Should ask @owenjonesjourno if he thinks Pakistanis should define their country as an Islamic state. After all it was created as a homeland for the Muslims in India.
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Dov Ch. 🇮🇱🇺🇸
@Claire_V0ltaire These are people who will argue that the Jewish people are not a nation/Ethnic group and we are "just a religion" but will then defend the Islamic republic of Iran
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ydn@yairdn·
The last episode is not up on the app yet?
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Bechara Gerges
Bechara Gerges@BecharaGerges·
🚩 Peace with Israel is the single most terrifying word in Lebanese politics, not because it threatens Lebanon, but because it threatens every faction that has built its empire on the permanent absence of it. I have watched this country for decades, and I will tell you what no one on a podium has the courage to say: the people who oppose peace are not protecting Lebanon; they are protecting their own relevance. Hezbollah cannot exist without the “enemy” at the gate. Iran cannot justify its corridor to the Mediterranean without a front line that never closes. And every warlord turned statesman who laundered a militia past into a cabinet future needs permanent instability the way a parasite needs a host. That is why they prefer death over peace. Not Lebanese death, which has never cost them a single sleepless night, but the death of the system that feeds them. Christians watched their presidency hollowed into a rubber stamp issued from Dahiyeh. Sunnis watched Rafik Hariri assassinated and his political heirs forced to coexist with the architecture of his assassination. The Druze watched their autonomy reduced to a phone call from a handler. Every community outside Hezbollah’s orbit has been living under undeclared occupation disguised as national unity, and the absence of peace is the lock on the cage. Sixty years of rejectionism didn’t liberate a square meter, didn’t build a single power plant, and didn't secure a future. It buried 200,000 people, bankrupted a nation, exiled a generation, and delivered total strategic control to a militia that answers to Tehran and calls it sovereignty. Anyone still defending this isn’t a patriot. They are either an operative, or a hostage so conditioned by captivity that they have mistaken the warden for a guardian. This is why peace isn’t just a diplomatic position; it is the single act capable of collapsing the entire architecture of Lebanese captivity. The moment the war justification disappears, Hezbollah loses its veto, Iran loses its last ideological foothold on the Mediterranean, and every political actor in Beirut is forced to stand naked, stripped of the conflict they’ve hidden behind for half a century. And then, only then, the Lebanese can finally have the conversation that’s been strangled since Taif: what does this country actually look like when no one holds a gun to the table? Perhaps it’s federalism. Perhaps it’s partition. Perhaps it’s a model no one has written yet. But that conversation is impossible as long as one armed faction holds the permanent right to override every community in the name of a resistance that resists nothing except Lebanon’s own survival. The opponents of peace know this perfectly well. They know that the day Lebanon signs, their operating myth dies. That’s why they will fight it with every tool they have: religious guilt, nationalist shame, sectarian fear. Because peace doesn’t just end a conflict with Israel; it starts a reckoning with them. And they would rather bury another generation than face that reckoning. Enough. The absence of peace has already cost Lebanon everything except its last heartbeat, and the men who caused it are now asking for more time. They’ve had a century. The answer is no.
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Karl Musk
Karl Musk@mrkarlmusk·
The strongest way to fight "antizionism" (anti-Zionism in its often leftist, bigoted form) is to center the history of the Zionist left. The usual fallback line that “there were left-wing Zionists too” concedes too much, because it still leaves Zionism’s meaning to be defined from outside its own most developed socialist tradition. The more serious claim is that socialist Zionism generated a rational case for Jewish national self-determination from within the categories the modern left already uses to think other peoples: class structure, statelessness, the national question, labor, cooperative settlement, and collective political agency. Syrkin and Borochov were not decorative figures added to an otherwise alien project. Encyclopedic and primary-text sources place them near the foundation of Socialist Zionism itself. This matters tactically because anti-Zionists are most persuasive when the whole history of Zionism is filtered through the right. If the representative Zionist is the Revisionist, the religious nationalist, the settler, or the state after 1967, the rest of the argument comes easily. Zionism can then be presented as a doctrine whose real content was colonial expansion, with every other strand treated as camouflage or transition. The problem with that picture is historical. Poale Zion explicitly sought to base Zionism on the Jewish proletariat, and Labor Zionism as a whole fused nationalism and socialism into a broad program of settlement, labor organization, and democratic nation-building. Once that history is restored, anti-Zionism loses the ability to portray Jewish self-determination as though it had no intelligible basis inside left discourse. The institutional record is what makes this especially difficult for anti-Zionists to evade. Histadrut, founded in 1920, became a labor federation, employer, welfare provider, educational apparatus, and major economic actor. The kibbutz movement furnished the most visible collective form of socialist Zionism, and many sources note both its egalitarian-democratic character and its disproportionate influence on early Israeli society. Mapai, created in 1930 from earlier labor parties, became dominant in the yishuv; its successor formation, the Israel Labour Party, governed from 1948 until 1977. On the further-left side, Mapam emerged in 1948 from Ha-Shomer ha-Tza’ir and Ahdut Ha-Avodah–Po’alei Zion with an openly egalitarian, planned-economy, communal-settlement platform. That is a fully leftist world of praxis. Serious treatment of this history does not require innocence myths. The labor-Zionist tradition included exclusion, coercion, and profound conflict with Palestinian Arabs; scholarship on the Histadrut makes that plain. The reason to center it is different. It forces analytical discrimination. A movement can contain domination without being exhaustively described as domination in principle. Once the left loses that capacity, it starts to misrecognize minority self-organization as such. The result is a broader deformation in socialist thought: stateless peoples appear suspect when they organize collectively, dispersed minorities appear reactionary when they seek durable institutions, and national self-determination is treated as legitimate only for cases already coded as universal or innocent. Centering the Zionist left also blocks the lazy metaphysics of essence. If Labor Zionism and its institutions are removed from the story, Israel’s later rightward development can be narrated as the revelation of what Zionism “always was.” The chronology does not support that. Mapai and Labour dominated Israeli government until 1977, when Likud first came to power; Histadrut’s vast social-economic apparatus was later hollowed out by privatization; the post-1967 occupation, subsequent settlement growth, and recurring wars altered the political field over time. These are historical transformations that require explanation. They do not read like the unfolding of a timeless doctrine. That is the strategic reason to center the Zionist left when confronting antizionism now. It compels opponents to argue against a far more difficult object. They have to face a tradition that formulated Jewish self-determination in socialist terms, built unions and collective settlements, organized welfare and labor structures, and governed for decades through a social-democratic party complex. They can still criticize it, and much of it deserves criticism. What they lose is the ability to define Zionism purely from its most right-wing expressions and then project those backwards as its only meaning. Once the Zionist left is restored to view, antizionism has to move from caricature to history. That shift alone weakens its bigoted form substantially.
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Shanaka Anslem Perera ⚡
BREAKING: The IDF gave it a name. Operation Eternal Darkness. Read the name as a capability statement, not a codename. Fifty fighter jets. One hundred and sixty precision-guided munitions. One hundred targets. Ten minutes. Three geographic zones spanning 170 kilometres from Beirut’s southern suburbs to the Beqaa Valley to southern Lebanon. Simultaneous impact. Zero warning to the targets. Defence Minister Katz said it was the largest concentrated blow Hezbollah has suffered since the pager operation in September 2024. The pagers were hardware infiltration. This was something else entirely. In September 2024, Israel compromised Hezbollah’s supply chain, embedded explosives in pagers, and detonated them simultaneously. It required months of physical engineering, covert procurement, and logistical insertion. It killed approximately 40 commanders. Operation Eternal Darkness killed over 200 operatives in a single ten-minute window without touching a single device in advance. The penetration was not physical. It was informational. The IDF confirmed that the operation was planned several weeks in advance and was going to proceed regardless of whether the Iran ceasefire was reached. The timing was driven by what the military described as optimal operational conditions. Translated from military language into plain language: the intelligence picture was complete. Every target’s location was known. Every target’s location was current. And every target’s location was known to be current at the same moment. That simultaneity is the revolution. It is not possible to strike 100 dispersed command nodes across 170 kilometres in ten minutes unless you have real-time positional data on all of them continuously. Not yesterday’s data. Not this morning’s data. Live data, updating faster than any human can relocate, verified across multiple intelligence streams, and fed into a strike package that executes before the first target can warn the second. Israel has built what military doctrine now calls a “data factory”. The system originated in Gaza where Unit 8200’s AI platforms, known internally as Gospel for infrastructure targeting and Lavender for personnel identification, compressed target generation from 50 per year to 100 per day. Haaretz confirmed on March 31 that this data factory is now active in the Lebanon and Iran theatres, creating a single operational picture from satellite imagery, drone feeds, signals intelligence, cellular metadata, and human sources fused through machine learning algorithms that identify patterns faster than any analyst corps on earth. The name Eternal Darkness is not poetic. It is literal. When you strike every command node, every intelligence headquarters, every missile coordination centre, and every elite unit’s operational hub simultaneously, the lights go out across the entire organisation at once. There is no fallback node to activate. There is no secondary command to assume control. There is no communication channel to issue the order to disperse because the communication channel is what revealed the location in the first place. Hezbollah’s options after Eternal Darkness are binary. Go digital and be found. Go analogue and be slow. An organisation that abandons digital communications to survive surveillance becomes an organisation that cannot coordinate distributed operations, which is the definition of a degraded force. The IDF does not need to destroy every fighter. It needs to destroy every connection between fighters. And on April 8, in ten minutes, it demonstrated that it can do exactly that across an entire country. The pagers changed the supply chain. Eternal Darkness changed the definition of command and control. In 2026, your signal is your coordinates. Full analysis - open.substack.com/pub/shanakaans…
Shanaka Anslem Perera ⚡@shanaka86

A rumor is circulating on pro-Hezbollah forums that Israel tracked the IP addresses of Hezbollah officials during a Zoom meeting, geolocated 100 positions simultaneously, and struck all of them in ten minutes. The IDF has not confirmed the method. No mainstream outlet has verified it. The rumor originates from Tier-4 sources with zero corroboration from Israeli, American, or independent intelligence reporting. But the rumor is less important than what it reveals about the strike itself. One hundred command targets across three geographic zones, Beirut’s southern suburbs, the Beqaa Valley, and southern Lebanon, struck simultaneously in a ten-minute window. Intelligence headquarters. Missile infrastructure. Radwan Force assets. The Aerial Unit that operates Hezbollah’s drone fleet. The IDF confirmed every detail. What the IDF did not confirm is how it knew where every target was at the exact same moment. That simultaneity is the signature. Hitting 100 targets in sequence is air superiority. Hitting 100 targets in ten minutes is intelligence supremacy. It means real-time location data on the entire senior and mid-tier command structure, updated continuously, cross-referenced with physical infrastructure, and fed into a strike package that executes before anyone can move. Whether the method was Zoom IP tracking, cellular metadata, SIGINT intercepts, human intelligence, or some combination of all four, the capability demonstrated is the same: Israel has penetrated Hezbollah’s operational architecture to a depth that allows simultaneous decapitation across an entire theatre of war. The pager operation in September 2024 demonstrated that Israel could compromise Hezbollah’s supply chain to deliver explosive devices into the pockets of hundreds of operatives. If the Zoom rumor contains any truth, it represents the evolution from hardware compromise to software compromise, from physical infiltration of devices to digital infiltration of communications. The pagers required months of supply-chain engineering. An IP geolocation exploit requires only that the target connects to a network. Hezbollah’s response will be predictable: abandon all digital communications. Go dark. Return to couriers and face-to-face meetings. But that response creates its own vulnerability. Couriers can be followed. Face-to-face meetings require physical movement that satellites and drones track. The more Hezbollah retreats from digital infrastructure, the slower its command cycle becomes, and the slower the command cycle, the less capable the organisation is of coordinating the kind of distributed response that Mosaic Defence requires. This is the intelligence trap that decapitation campaigns create. Every adaptation the target makes to survive reduces its operational effectiveness. Go digital and risk geolocation. Go analogue and risk paralysis. The IDF does not need to confirm the Zoom rumor for it to achieve its strategic purpose. The rumor alone forces Hezbollah to assume its communications are compromised, which degrades command and control whether or not the compromise actually exists. The pagers changed the supply chain. If the IP tracking is real, it changes the meeting. If neither method was used and Israel has something else entirely, it changes the assumption that any form of communication is secure. In all three cases, the effect is identical: Hezbollah’s command structure operates under the permanent assumption of penetration. And an organisation that assumes it is penetrated behaves like an organisation that already is. open.substack.com/pub/shanakaans…

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Reza Pahlavi
Reza Pahlavi@PahlaviReza·
هم‌میهنان عزیزم، ملت بزرگ ایران، به همه شما که در این ۱۰۰ روز برای آزادی و بازپس‌گیری ایران ایستادید؛ با فداکاری در برابر گلوله‌ها سینه سپر کردید و در ۴۰ روز گذشته خطر بمباران را به جان خریدید، درود می‌فرستم. می‌دانم خبر آتش‌بس دوهفته‌ای میان جمهوری اسلامی با آمریکا و اسرائیل، بسیاری از شما را دلسرد کرده است. اما امروز، نه زمان ناامیدی، که زمان باور بیشتر به پیروزی است. آنچه در این ۴۰ روز رخ داد، دقیقاً در مسیر همان مطالباتی است که ملت ایران از جامعه جهانی خواست و بعد از جان‌فشانی در خیابان‌های ایران، در تظاهرات روز جهانی اقدام در ۱۴ فوریه (۲۵ بهمن) نیز فریاد زد. ضرباتی که در تنها ۴۰ روز بر پیکر جمهوری اسلامی وارد شد، بی‌سابقه بوده، و برای این رژیم جبران‌ناپذیر است. حذف علی خامنه‌ای، قاتل ده‌ها هزار ایرانی شجاع، به‌تنهایی دستاوردی تاریخی برای ملت ماست. حال آنکه، به جز او، ده‌ها تن از فرماندهان و عاملان اصلی سرکوب در سپاه و بسیج و دستگاه‌های اطلاعاتی رژیم نیز از میان برداشته شدند. هزاران نیروی سرکوب به هلاکت رسیدند. ساختار فرماندهی و کنترل سرکوب، فلج شده و فرو پاشیده است. زیرساخت‌های نظامی‌، که نه برای دفاع از ایران، بلکه برای صدور تروریسم و بی‌ثباتی ساخته شده بودند، نابود شده‌اند. منابع مالی رژیم برای سرکوب در داخل و تروریسم در خارج، به‌شدت کاهش یافته است. جمهوری اسلامی امروز در منطقه و جهان از همیشه منزوی‌تر و منفورتر است. آنچه برای این رژیم باقی مانده، تکیه بر مزدوران بیگانه و اقلیتی خون‌ریز و خون‌شوی است که منافع‌شان در بقای این رژیم است؛ رژیمی که در میدان واقعیت شکستی سخت خورده، اما با قطع اینترنت به ۹۰ میلیون ایرانی، و از طریق ماشین دروغ‌پردازی‌اش، هنوز ژست پیروزی می‌گیرد و رجز می‌خواند. آنها که مدعی بودند هرگز تن به آتش‌بس نمی‌دهند، امروز هم رهبر و فرماندهان‌شان را از دست داده‌اند، هم جنگ را باخته‌اند، هم آتش‌بس را پذیرفته‌اند، و هم به میز مذاکره برای تسلیم کامل کشانده شده‌اند. ما اما از آغاز می‌دانستیم که جمهوری اسلامی تنها با حذف فرماندهی و تضعیف دستگاه سرکوب از طریق حملات هوایی، سقوط نمی‌کند. از همین رو بود که در تمام پیام‌هایم به شما تاکید کردم که این ما ملت ایران هستیم که باید ضربه نهایی را به رژیم ضعیف‌شده وارد و آن را سرنگون کنیم. می‌خواهم بدانید که من وضعیت شما در ایران را بسیار دقیق زیر نظر دارم. می‌دانم که جمهوری اسلامی بسیار تضعیف شده اما هنوز توانایی سرکوب آن به طور کامل از بین نرفته است. همه هدف من این است که اقدام نهایی برای سرنگون کردن جمهوری اسلامی با کمترین هزینه جانی باشد. جان تک‌تک شما برای من ارزشمند است. پس، از شما می‌خواهم که شکیبا باشید، از خودتان محافظت کنید، و با باور به پیروزی و آمادگی کامل، در انتظار لحظه تعیین‌کننده بمانید. در این فاصله، من و همه هم‌میهنان‌مان در خارج از کشور با تمام توان، خواست شما را که پایان دادن به جمهوری اسلامی است، فریاد خواهیم زد. ایمان داشته باشید که هیچ نیرویی در جهان توان ایستادن در برابر قدرت یک ملت متحد را ندارد. جمهوری اسلامی این بار، راه گریز، و بختی برای بقا ندارد؛ و به دستان پرقدرت شما ملت بزرگ ایران سرنگون خواهد شد. پاینده ایران، رضا پهلوی
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Michal Aharoni
Michal Aharoni@michalaharoni10·
חזרנו לארץ אחרי כמעט עשר שנים בארה"ב. לחלוטין לא הייתי חוזרת היום לפרוור המרילנדי השקט והנעים שלנו, עם כל השיט שקורה כאן אני עדיין דבקה במקום הזה, אוהבת אותו, מאמינה בו, חולה על אנשים פה. אדמה קשה שאני קוראת לה בית. אבל אם יש מישהו שלא רוצה להיות כאן יותר אני לחלוטין מבינה אותו. להיות 'סתם' חילוני בישראל זה קושי בל יתואר, יום יומי. לגדל כאן ילדים, להתפרנס, לייצר שגרה, לתכנן משהו נעים לקיץ, כל זה הוא בגדר מותרות. כל מערכות השלטון עובדות נגדך, כל היום דורשים ממך חוסן ולהילחם וערכים וגו זקוף בזמן שאנשים נטולי ערכים בסיסיים דורכים עליך חופשי. אם אתה לא הייטקיסט מצליח אתה מעמד ביניים שכל הזמן מגרד את הנמוך. ומפחיד כאן, מפחיד ממש, לא רק כי טילים אלא בעיקר כי מי שמוביל לא יודע לאן הוא הולך. בכל יום הוא סולל עוד מאה מטר של שביל הישרדות פרטי על גבם של האזרחים. אז כן, אנחנו כאן עדיין, לא מותשים לחלוטין, הגנטיקה הסובייטית משחקת תפקיד גדול במאבק על הנפש. אבל מי שלא רוצה יותר, מי שמרים ידיים, מי שנוסע מכאן כדי לייצר לילדיו עתיד טוב יותר הוא לא רע או חלש או נכנע. הוא פשוט עייף נורא, שחוק, לא מאמין יותר. וזה באמת שמותר ולגיטימי
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Amir Ansari
Amir Ansari@AamirAnsar94694·
THAT'S WHY AIRLINES HATE CLAUDE 4.6 Flight for $879. I paid $299. No points. No affiliations. No VPN. Here are 8 prompts I used to travel like a pro↓
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Open Source Intel
Open Source Intel@Osint613·
IMPORTANT GRAPHIC: Circulating infographic outlining the Islamic regime’s organizational structure. I’ve been building a similar map, but someone got it out first. @HeKasrehCrisis
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Daniel Foubert 🇵🇱🇫🇷
Daniel Foubert 🇵🇱🇫🇷@Arrogance_0024·
Army Chief of Staff fired: THIS IS VERY BIG. Firing the Army Chief now, and replacing him with a loyalist, is preparation for orders the previous leadership might have slow-walked or resisted. When you fire a service chief mid-war with no stated cause, the real reason is almost certainly doctrinal disagreement — how the war is being fought. It should be noted that the US started bombing Iranian civilian infrastructure today (Iran's largest bridge). A career infantry officer like George, who ran the Army's transformation initiative, would have serious institutional opinions about the feasibility and cost of a ground operation in Iran. If he was pushing back — even through internal channels — that's exactly the kind of friction Hegseth would remove. The likely replacement is Gen. Christopher LaNeve, formerly Hegseth's own military aide — meaning Hegseth is installing a loyalist at the top of the Army during active combat operations against Iran. Hegseth has now fired over a dozen senior military officers, including Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Gen. C.Q. Brown, Chief of Naval Operations Adm. Lisa Franchetti, Air Force Vice Chief of Staff Gen. James Slife, and the head of the Defense Intelligence Agency Lt. Gen. Jeffrey Kruse. Bottom line: This is escalatory. The civilian leadership is systematically removing any institutional brake on military options — this is what the entire purge has been building toward. The George ouster happening simultaneously with Trump's "stone ages" speech is not coincidence. Expect the next two weeks to be the most kinetically intense phase of the war so far.
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Kristin Raworth 🇨🇦
Kristin Raworth 🇨🇦@KristinRaworth·
I've never sen anything more accurate
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Simon Holland
Simon Holland@simoncholland·
Don’t know about y’all but I could really go for some precedented times.
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Adam Louis-Klein
Adam Louis-Klein@adam_louis52328·
Stunningly rigorous article from moral philosopher Simon Lucas on the war in Gaza. Be sure to follow all the excellent material that the Institute for the Critical Study of Antizionism (@InstituteCSA) is putting out: "Rather than a single cause, the prevailing antizionist posture in contemporary philosophy appears to emerge from a convergence of ideological frameworks, moral symbolism, disciplinary incentives, and social pressures. Much of the philosophical commentary on the Gaza war operates within a framework shaped by naïve anti-militarist assumptions and a caricatured critique of imperialism, in which the West is cast as structural oppressor and the non-West as presumptive victim. Within this schema, Israel is coded as a Western settler-colonial entity and Palestinians as victims of Western coloniality." icsa.substack.com/p/by-simon-luc…
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Derek Pederson 🇺🇸🇺🇦🇻🇪
Very few people who agree with both of these correct claims: A) The settler movement in the West Bank are modern-day fascists, and the Netanyahu government's implicit endorsement of the recent rein of terror there against Palestinians is not only morally repugnant but potentially catastrophic for the future of Israel and the region. B) The IDF did not systematically target civilians in the Gaza Strip and I still have no idea why that became consensus when it's pretty obvious to me that, even if the IDF were simply *indifferent* to civilian loss of life, they would have easily killed orders of magnitude more people than they actually did kill, and in a much shorter time frame. And it would not even really be that unusual for urban combat.
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