Mainstreet Media Utah

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Mainstreet Media Utah

Mainstreet Media Utah

@MediaUtah

KMMU: Main Street, not Main Stream. Giving Utah a voice. Beyond KSL the Trib and Deseret. Let's Talk Utah! Live talk internet radio. Weekday afternoons.

Salt Lake City, Utah เข้าร่วม Ekim 2023
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Mainstreet Media Utah
Mainstreet Media Utah@MediaUtah·
This photo will take the place of the flag planting on Mount Suribachi in Iwo Jima in WWII in your mythology. This doesn’t bode well for the country. But many of us saw it coming. Sadly…
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Mainstreet Media Utah
Mainstreet Media Utah@MediaUtah·
@DChadwickAuthor Yeah, I'm a tech bro. And I have been suspicious for 40 years. How do engineers become so left aligned. They know communism doesn't work. 🤷‍♂️
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Dave Chadwick - Author
Dave Chadwick - Author@DChadwickAuthor·
I dunno, maybe tech bros shouldn’t own our legislature?
The Eternal Saints@Eternal_Saints_

Who Is Doug Fiefia Working For? A freshman Utah legislator is mounting an unusually aggressive challenge to a sitting member of his own party, backed by a rapid influx of campaign cash that is drawing new scrutiny. Doug Fiefia, a Republican member of the Utah House representing Herriman, is now running for the Utah State Senate, where he is challenging longtime incumbent Dan McCay. After just one term in office, Fiefia’s decision to challenge a sitting senator from his own party is at minimum eyebrow raising. It is a move that typically requires not only political ambition but a substantial base of financial and organizational support. Campaign finance disclosures filed with the Utah Lieutenant Governor’s Office show that Fiefia’s Senate campaign has raised more than 135,000 dollars. That total stands out in the context of comparable campaigns. By comparison, Trevor Lee, a multi term House member, has disclosed approximately 33,000 dollars in his own campaign account. Where that money is coming from and how quickly it arrived raises additional questions about the structure of the campaign’s support. Campaign records show that a substantial share of large contributions arrived in a tightly concentrated window in mid-January 2026. Between January 14 and January 17, the campaign reported a surge of large contributions including 20,000 dollars from ProDough, 10,000 dollars from Encode AI Corporation, 10,000 dollars from Elk Ridge Management, 10,000 dollars from Jeremy Andrus, 5,000 dollars from Rep Labs, 5,000 dollars from SOJO Management, and 5,000 dollars from Taylor Kinikini. Taken together, 55,000 dollars flowed into the campaign from a relatively small group of high-dollar donors in just a matter of days. That level of concentration is notable for a freshman legislator. It suggests a coordinated fundraising pattern rather than a slow accumulation of small contributions over time. The filings also show that SOJO Management, one of the contributing entities, is tied directly to Fiefia himself. Public records and campaign materials identify SOJO as his construction company, meaning that part of the campaign’s financial support is coming from the candidate’s own business interests. A significant share of the smaller contributions is grouped around repeated surnames, shared household addresses, and tightly connected family networks in Herriman, South Jordan, West Jordan, and surrounding communities. The disclosures show multiple donations from individuals sharing the same surnames, including Afu, Kinikini, Fiefia, Mokofisi, Heitonga, Tuimauga, and others, in several cases appearing more than once across the filing period. Several contributions also originate from identical residential addresses, including multiple donors listed at the same homes in Herriman, South Jordan, and West Jordan, suggesting coordinated household or extended family giving patterns rather than isolated individual contributions. Taken together, the filings suggest a dual structure of support, with a localized base of personal and community donations operating alongside significant infusions of high dollar contributions from business entities and larger financial actors. Fiefia’s rise has also coincided with an expanding role in technology related legislation. In 2025, he sponsored HB 418, a bill addressing platform interoperability and digital system structure. That bill was carried in the Senate by Senator Mike McKell of Spanish Fork. The bill’s structure mirrors broader policy discussions around platform interoperability that have also been advanced in national tech policy circles, including by groups such as Frank McCourt’s Project Liberty initiative, which has advocated for interoperability-focused reforms in digital platform governance. Campaign finance records show that following the bill’s passage, a $10,000 contribution was made to Fiefia’s campaign by Frank McCourt on August 25, 2025. McCourt is a billionaire investor and former Los Angeles Dodgers owner who has also been involved in technology infrastructure and digital platform policy discussions, including public interest in acquiring a U.S. version of TikTok. In 2026, Fiefia introduced HB 286, focused on artificial intelligence transparency, safety reporting, and child protection standards for large scale AI systems. That legislation was also carried in the Senate by McKell. Additional disclosures show a 10,000-dollar contribution from Encode AI Corporation, a Washington DC based entity, along with contributions from other business groups and individuals outside Utah. While no single contribution establishes intent, the overlap between policy focus and donor activity adds another dimension to the broader picture of the campaign. When Fiefia announced his Senate campaign publicly, I asked him directly why delegates should choose him over Senator McCay. He did not provide a clear distinction between his candidacy and that of the incumbent, a response that did little to clarify his rationale for the challenge. Fiefia’s campaign now presents a combination that is unusual in Utah politics, a freshman House member challenging a sitting senator from his own party, backed by a six-figure fundraising operation built in a short period of time, and supported by both tightly connected local networks and high dollar business contributors. Where that momentum originated and whose interests it ultimately reflects remains an open question as the race continues to develop.

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NormieUtah
NormieUtah@NormieUtah·
Ok, folks, it‘s worse than we think. She’s a Resistance Lib AWLF. A super-spreader of left wing misinformation. Strawmanning good conservative positions with insufferable snark. ’America's government teacher' Sharon McMahon to speak at UVU commencement ksl.com/article/514767…
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Mainstreet Media Utah
Mainstreet Media Utah@MediaUtah·
@walterkirn Yeah, I got it. I don't like it, but like you I've been watching for a long time. I was 9 years old when they killed Kennedy. Your missive was complicated, but pretty spot on @walterkirn...
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Walter Kirn
Walter Kirn@walterkirn·
So what I think is happening in the media space is that high profile narratives of intrigue etc, obviously pushed, are composed, LLM-style, of parts of earlier narratives lodged in the collective mind. The new scripts are probabilistic syntheses of their elements. Luigi combines JFK shooting (we have footage of the crime), Unabomber stuff (he's against the establishment and wrote a manifesto), Manson stuff (girls fall under his spell!), and so on. Charlie Kirk mystery built with the same structure. With different elements. Disappearance of that newscaster lady's mom in Arizona is Lindbergh baby case, only it's an elder. Weak production, though. Cancelled. Even the anti-war movement going on now is a pastiche of Vietnam Era tropes, with Trump as Nixon (impeach him) and the leaders of Iran as misunderstood freedom fighters à la Ho Chi Minh. This is your world now. Don't be mistaken. And don't think I'm saying everything is "fake." Or that we live in a big "S" Simulation. Real events can be molded through this process into what I'll call "Large Language Media." The tell is their strange halo of familiarity, of having been assembled from pre-existing units, as it is with AI-written prose. Got it?
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Walter Kirn
Walter Kirn@walterkirn·
This week in haters: I'm hiding advanced Parkinson's. I went insane when America This Week ended. I'm wasted drunk. I'm paid by Israel. I'm a CIA agent licensed to leak secret scripts of future events. Fun platform.
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Disagree Butter
Disagree Butter@disagreebutter·
My congressmen voted to keep funding DEI. What sort of republican would support and promote DEI programs?
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Mainstreet Media Utah
Mainstreet Media Utah@MediaUtah·
Hmmmm... "Utah's political leaders have spent the last 5 years hiding publicly accessible tools and resources to protect non-white and foreign criminals." And white and domestic criminals as well. Mostly white members of the political class. Count the legitimate signatories of the gubernatorial signature gathering, that's all you need to know. Total corruption! I'm moving to Mexico where it's less corrupt than Utah! 🤣🤣🤣
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Mainstreet Media Utah
Mainstreet Media Utah@MediaUtah·
It ain't over 'til the fat lady sings. I have been anti-war since I marched against Vietnam in 1971. But there are wars and then there are massacres. I don't even think of this debacle in Iran as a war. But I can't wait for it to end, whatever it is. Hmmm... Was that fat shaming???
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Walter Kirn
Walter Kirn@walterkirn·
I've seldom had people so angry at me here as yesterday when I cautioned against hyper-pessimism over Iran.
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Mainstreet Media Utah
Mainstreet Media Utah@MediaUtah·
@disagreebutter You have to read the ATF summary carefully. They didn't say it didn't match the rifle, they said they could not prove it matched the rifle. I don't think that's the same thing...
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