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NationalSecurityJournal.org

NationalSecurityJournal.org

@NationalSecJour

National Security Journal strives to bring you the world’s best national security experts and their ideas. https://t.co/eYCOgs73KC

Washington, DC เข้าร่วม Temmuz 2024
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Robert E Kelly
Robert E Kelly@Robert_E_Kelly·
My latest for @NationalSecJour China has given up on de-nuking N Korea. That's no surprise at this point, but it also seems like CN expects the region to simply accept a nuclear NK without considering counter-nuclearization, missile def, preemption, etc. nationalsecurityjournal.org/chinas-north-k…
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Robert E Kelly
Robert E Kelly@Robert_E_Kelly·
My latest for ⁦@NationalSecJour⁩ I’ll admit I’m surprised China has decided to force a rhetorical showdown with Japan over Taiwan now. It’s looming, sure, but why now all of the sudden? Is China testing the new Japanese PM? To see if she will fold? nationalsecurityjournal.org/the-taiwan-cri…
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Greg R. Lawson
Greg R. Lawson@ConservaWonk·
A broader take on the Trump Administration's renewed focus on the Western Hemisphere from @aalatham in @NationalSecJour nationalsecurityjournal.org/control-the-he… Excerpt, "Trump’s grand strategic vision is not isolationist, nor is it the liberal internationalism of his predecessors. It is hemispheric and selective—focused on securing the Western Hemisphere while simultaneously blunting China’s expanding bid for power and influence across the Indo-Pacific. The logic is almost classical: before projecting power outward, consolidate strength within one’s sphere of influence. In this conception, the Western Hemisphere is the indispensable core from which the United States can compete effectively with China abroad. This explains the parallel emphasis on hemispheric defense and Indo-Pacific containment. The administration’s new naval posture in the Caribbean, its scrutiny of Chinese port investments in Panama and the Caribbean, and its quiet support for Latin American governments seeking to push back against Beijing’s influence all serve the same purpose—to deny China strategic depth in America’s neighborhood while reinforcing U.S. freedom of action across the Pacific. What emerges is a two-front strategy defined not by expansionism but by disciplined geography: control the hemisphere, deny the adversary’s periphery, and maintain maritime advantage in both oceans. This also helps explain the reorientation of American diplomacy toward transactional realism. Trump has little interest in multilateral moralizing or global crusades. He views power through the lens of geography and leverage. By focusing on the hemisphere and the Indo-Pacific, he is redefining what it means for America to be a global power in the 21st century: not omnipresent, but unassailable in its core regions and unyielding where vital interests are at stake."
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