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In 2018, then-EU Ambassador to Georgia, Janos Herman, met with a delegation of visiting Members of the European Parliament. The MEPs expressed worry about Bidzina Ivanishvili, the billionaire founder of the ruling Georgian Dream party who, now everyone agrees, is pushing Georgia into the Kremlin’s clutches. The MEPs were startled to discover that Ambassador Herman defended Ivanishvili, asking the MEPs not to refer to him as an oligarch. “Oligarchy means there ought to be many,” Herman argued. Instead, he suggested Ivanishvili be described as an “enlightened patriotic tycoon.” This defense extended beyond mere semantics. Ambassador Herman helped legitimate Georgian Dream’s rushed controversial legislative amendments aimed at subjugating the Constitutional Court of Georgia—which, at the time, was truly independent, enjoyed international respect and frequently delivered rulings critical of the government. Despite mounting evidence of intimidation and pressure on judges, including reports of surveillance and threats against judges and their families by individuals linked to Georgian Dream, Herman chose not to stand up in defense of this vital institution. This had profound consequences. Had the Constitutional Court retained its independence, it could have played a pivotal role in defending the integrity of elections in Georgia today. Mr Herman met me once over lunch and admitted he was aware of dangerous developments in the Georgian judiciary but the EU could not do much because of the significant resourcs it had invested in “reform,” There was no way Mr Herman and his colleagues at the EEAS would not know that the entire judiciary and criminal justice was already being captured by Ivanishvi—numerous credible reports produced enough evidence which they chose to dismiss. There is no way that they would not know that Otar Partskhaladze— now sanctioned by the U.S. government for his alleged ties to Russia’s FSB and his role in advancing Russian interests in Georgia—was in charge of the entire venture. While Georgia’s judiciary was gradually being captured, the EU continued to channel millions of euros into technical assistance programs aimed at reforming the very institutions being co-opted. This misallocation of resources not only failed to prevent state capture but also lent a veneer of legitimacy to a process that undermined Georgia’s democratic foundations. How could this happen? As Georgian Dream de-prioritized NATO membership and removed Georgia from the top-level western political agenda, the significance of the “Georgian file” in Brussels diminished. Decision-making fell to bureaucrats who, in the absence of meaningful political guidance, developed a pro-status quo entrenched bureaucratic agenda. This resulted in prolonged participation imitation of “reforms”, in reality a kabuki theatre, creating a false sense of progress, confusing a public overwhelmingly supportive of European integration. While reflecting on this tragedy, the new EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaia Kallas, must take personal charge of the Georgian file. Political decisions cannot be delegated to bureaucrats with entrenched interests in maintaining the status quo. Clear, decisive instructions are needed to make reversing Russian takeover of Georgia an actual EU policy.