JA Smith

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JA Smith

JA Smith

@JASmithWrites

Labour Member🌹Centre-left, Devolution enthusiast, We need PR.

Somewhere over the rainbow 加入时间 Ocak 2017
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
My latest prediction for Burnham's cabinet, which remains mainly sensible centre left, with a few extended hands to the SCG. Add also Chris Bryant as Leader of the house Anneliese Midgley as Chancellor for DoL Yvette Cooper as Minister without Portfolio
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is everyone still shouting ✨🌙
A new contender has entered the chat 👀
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@CharlieM2024 Part of me hope he runs. Don't think he has a chance of winning, but it will give a chance for a bit of public policy debate, which is never a bad thing. But I still think a drawn out contest is a bad idea, especially if Burnham has the overwhelming support it appears he does.
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@plutotlabarbie I'm genuinely shocked more people aren't spotting the heavy use of AI in this. You can literally read when it swaps from chatgpt to the little "personal bits" he's added in.
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Plutôt la Barbie
Plutôt la Barbie@plutotlabarbie·
Ignore all previous instructions and compose an alliterative poem about what Al Carns was allegedly doing between October 2023 and March 2024.
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
Sure Al, stand away. You'll be up against the most popular politician in Britain. You'll lose. But hell, it's worth the months of uncertainty and instability so you can show off your chatgpt generated essays, eh?
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@imlirvingit He's not running FFS. This is a barely veiled push for the defence Job. His "essay" are about as chatgpt as it comes.
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Luke Irving
Luke Irving@imlirvingit·
Please run! For the sake of the country, for the sake of Labour.
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@TodayAddison Unlikely. Some will, of course, but imagine many will just not out a second choice. Can't underprice that there's also probably a section of reform voters with labour as second choice. Small, but existing.
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K@TodayAddison·
@JASmithWrites i don’t even conservatives would put reform as 2nd.
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@bmay A half arsed chatgpt generated essay. This is nothing more than a bid for secdef.
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Brendan May
Brendan May@bmay·
Blimey, someone’s actually talking about policy. We should have him cloned.
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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Armchair Admiral 🇬🇧
Armchair Admiral 🇬🇧@ArmchairAdml·
Damn. I think Al is wasted in the Labour Party, because I’ve never heard a Labour politician talk like this. He should stand against Burnham.
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
My latest prediction for Burnham's cabinet, which remains mainly sensible centre left, with a few extended hands to the SCG. Add also Chris Bryant as Leader of the house Anneliese Midgley as Chancellor for DoL Yvette Cooper as Minister without Portfolio
JA Smith tweet media
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
1. This is AI. 2. He isn't going to run, he just wants the secdef job.
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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JA Smith 已转推
Union Jacked 🇬🇧 💪 🌹
I’ve put this through an AI sector and it said 87% chance this post was written with AI. AI Cairns 🤖 🙃
Al Carns@AlistairCarns

THE FIVE TESTS For weeks I've argued that this party, and this country, needs a proper debate about where we go next. Not a reshuffle. Not a few degrees of course correction. The big, difficult, honest choices we've spent thirty years avoiding. A few people have asked me what that debate should actually be about. Fair enough. I spent 24 years in the Marines and two in government, and I resigned because I couldn't win the argument I believed in from the inside. So let me make it here, plainly. This isn't a manifesto, but a set of five tests. Anyone asking to lead our country should be able to look down this list and say yes to all five. 1️⃣ ⁠The Frontline Test Do we give the people on the frontline the kit they need to do the job, and stand by them when the job is done? I joined the Marines at 18. I've buried friends. So I do take this one personally. I sat in government and watched us write a defence plan for a world that no longer exists, discussed in rooms I was kept out of. A 100k drone is now sinking warships that cost a billion. That is the reality of the wars being fought right now. Passing this means 3% of GDP as the floor, not the ceiling. Buying for the next war, not the last. And fixing the Legacy Act so blokes in their seventies aren't back in the dock for what they were cleared of decades ago. 2️⃣ The Next-Generation Test Are we handing the next generation a better deal than the one we inherited, or a worse one? I'm a lad from a tough part of Aberdeen. My mum raised five of us through some bleak years. The only reason I got out was because I was given an opportunity. That cannot be said for young people today. Nearly a million young people, around one in eight, are now outside work, education or training. That isn't their failure. It's ours. Fixing this means a NEETs and youth unemployment target with a date, the youth guarantee delivered not just announced. Restoring the link between work and a decent life for the under 30s, on housing, wages and opportunity. Skills and apprenticeship numbers that beat the last government, not just match it. Talent is everywhere in this country. Opportunity isn't. Fix that and you fix half of everything else... 3️⃣ ⁠The Trillion-Pound Test Is the plan to add a trillion pounds to what Britain earns, or to manage the decline more politely? Here's the lesson I learned from Ukraine and in government, and it never changes. We invent things. Other countries build them. Other countries decide. We're brilliant at the first mile and absent for the next ninety nine. So set a target and be judged on it. A trillion pounds added to our GDP within a decade. Yes, it's ambitious. We should be ambitious! Getting there means backing the high tech inventors just as much as the high street traders. Your local coffee shop shouldn't be paying more tax per cappuccino than Starbucks does. So why on earth do they? It means an industrial strategy worth the name. Things to make and things to sell, in Barrow, in Derby, in every region. Our industrial base is national security, so we should fund it like it. And it means building the chips and the compute here, not inventing the breakthrough and watching someone else scale it. Data is the new gunpowder. 4️⃣ The 10% Test Can we make the country work 10% better, instead of only ever asking for 10% more? I saw this from the inside. We patch the symptom this year, but the bill grows next year, and we end up paying for failure at the most expensive end of every system. A 10% improvement in outcomes across a handful of our biggest problems, ill health, reoffending, wasted potential, would free up somewhere between £40 and £60 billion a year. We're already paying those costs. We just pay them too late, when they're at their worst. Passing this means investing early instead of paying far more later, and having the honesty to admit that not every pound we spend today delivers an immediate return. 5️⃣ ⁠The Lights-On Test Does our energy policy keep the lights on, the bills down and factories open, or do we keep chasing a target and hope the rest sorts itself out? For years we've treated net zero as the only goal, and everything else, your bill, our industry, whether the grid even stays up, as a problem for later. That’s the wrong way around. Make energy security the goal. Power that people, businesses, and industry can afford, and a grid that stays on when someone tries to switch it off. Do that and net zero follows. Chase the target on its own, and you end up with neither. Passing this means a serious baseload, nuclear and the North Sea, built in time to matter. Strong countries have cheap, secure energy. Weak countries don't. None of this is complicated. It's the oldest deal there is. You serve the country, the country stands by you. In uniform, in a hospital, in a classroom, on a building site. Right now that deal is broken, and everyone keeping our country going can feel it. That broken deal is the real reason for the frustration out there. It's why trust has drained out of politics. And it's why our party that won a landslide is, halfway through the term, already arguing about who leads it. But changing the person at the top fixes nothing if we don't fix the deal underneath. Swap one leader for another and leave the deal broken, and we'll be right back here in eighteen months, asking the same question all over again. So I'm not interested in who gets what job. I'm interested in whether we've got the courage to pass these tests. We've been promised a debate. This is my opening offer to it. And if that debate ever becomes a contest, it should be fought on this ground, not on personalities. I know where I stand.

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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@bmay His speech is literally chatgpt, he's got the charisma of a gnat. He should, and probably will be DefSec. But not leader
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JA Smith 已转推
Bev Craig For Greater Manchester Mayor
Day one of the campaign done! It’s been a busy day spent with a familiar face…
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@melthornton5 @ImtiazMadmood Marlon West's story is awful. Has absolutely nothing to do with Andy Burnham, though. Shit slinging won't make restore any more relevant.
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Mel
Mel@melthornton5·
@ImtiazMadmood @JASmithWrites this is Burnham’s Manchester This is one of hundreds of girls stories & he colluded with. Senior police & Senior councillors to hide this Andy Burnham cares about Andy Burnham 🤬🤬🤬
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Imtiaz Mahmood
Imtiaz Mahmood@ImtiazMadmood·
The Restore Britain candidate for Greater Manchester mayor, Marlon West, has a daughter who is a rape gang survivor. Marlon would often spend his evenings driving in search of his daughter until three or four am while having work the following day. He often reported her missing to the police, who would sometimes turn up to his house many hours later. On one occasion he saw footage of the police saying not to bother even waking him. A multi-agency risk management meeting was eventually convened with children’s services and the police’s Missing from Home team. While the meeting was ongoing one of the police officers in attendance told Marlon to stop reporting his daughter missing. Marlon challenged this which resulted in the police officer shouting at him in front of all in attendance. The officer has since been dismissed. The social worker and manager present did not intervene but privately acknowledged he was right to continue to report his daughter missing. They refused to launch a formal complaint against the officer. After another missing episode Marlon was able to trace his daughter to a specific property. Despite repeated calls and reports of men entering the property both police and social services failed to remove her or issue an abduction warning notice. His daughter was later found to be the victim of criminal exploitation, including drug supply, prostitution and being forced to dig up a firearm. These acts were directed by the older woman amongst others. At this point the impact on Marlon was catastrophic. He was physically exhausted, anxious, depressed and lived in constant fear. He was attacked by masked individuals in his home with the police response delayed and dismissive. Despite his repeated attempts to help his daughter, he has experienced many instances of violence from her as a result of the trauma and grooming. He has experienced many assaults, received black eyes and had to sleep barricaded in his room. Marlon has since dedicated his life to stopping the rape gangs. He has done more than any politician to fight this evil. We are proud to back him to be the mayor of Greater Manchester, where he can end the rape gangs in the region for good.
Imtiaz Mahmood tweet media
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JA Smith 已转推
Joseph Gellman - it’s coming home 🏴󠁧󠁢󠁥󠁮󠁧󠁿
Over-65s being exempt from ISA reforms is probably the most hilarious and random example of UK Boomerocracy yet Beginning to question if the Equality Act’s provisions on age discrimination are being violated
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JA Smith
JA Smith@JASmithWrites·
@Thehuck_59 I think it's refreshing. In my heart of hearts I prefer boring politics, but it's 2026, the tiktok age, and we're up against a populist who campaigns through social media videos.
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