ALPAC

In July 1982, as Israeli forces besieged the PLO in Beirut, American officials sought to persuade Hosni Mubarak to allow the Palestinians into Egypt. The Saudis offered financial incentives, while Washington promised to pressure Israel to curb settlement activity in the West Bank and to interpret the Camp David Accords in ways favorable to Egyptian interests if Mubarak agreed to take Yasser Arafat and his fighters. Nothing worked. Mubarak refused. Declassified documents show that American negotiators in Cairo reported to Washington that “Mubarak had indicated that Egyptian acceptance of the PLO could lead to his eventual overthrow.” Nor did Syria offer an alternative. Arafat loathed Hafez al-Assad—who loathed him in return—and had no desire to relocate there. After weeks of feverish negotiations, during which American diplomacy appeared more concerned with finding a safe exit for the PLO than many Arab governments themselves, a deal was finally struck. The Palestinians assembled in Lebanon were to be dispersed across no fewer than eight Arab states: Tunisia, Algeria, North Yemen, South Yemen, Sudan, Syria, Iraq, and Jordan. As long as Arafat and his men remained in Lebanon, Arab states were content to leave them there, regardless of the burden this placed on the Lebanese. Yet when the time came for them to leave, it took eight—EIGHT!—Arab states to absorb what Lebanon had borne alone. In the years that followed, Lebanon was left exposed: first to brutal Syrian occupation under the criminal Assad regime, and later to Iranian hegemony exercised through the no less criminal local proxies. Today, when this Lebanese weighs the prospect of peace with Israel, he uses the lens of Lebanon's national interest alone. Given the extent to which Lebanon has been abused and mistreated, everything—and everyone—else is utterly irrelevant.

Lebanon stands at a crossroads. Its people have a historic opportunity to reclaim their country and shape their future as a truly sovereign, independent nation.    Direct engagement between Lebanon and Israel, two neighboring countries that should have never been at war, can mark the beginning of a national revival. The extended Cessation of Hostilities, achieved at the personal request of President Trump, has given Lebanon the space and the opportunity to put all of its legitimate demands on the table with the full attention of the United States Government.  A direct meeting between President Aoun and Prime Minister Netanyahu, facilitated by President Trump, would give Lebanon the chance to secure concrete guarantees on full sovereignty, territorial integrity, secure borders, humanitarian and reconstruction support, and the complete restoration of Lebanese state authority over every inch of its territory—guaranteed by the United States.   This is Lebanon’s moment to decide its own destiny, one which belongs to all its people. The United States is ready to stand with Lebanon as it seizes this opportunity with confidence and wisdom. The time for hesitation is over.

Two Hezbollah members attacked and insulted the priest of St. Joseph Church in Fanar, Beirut, today. The incident began when the two men assaulted a police officer; when the priest intervened to de-escalate the situation, he was then attacked and insulted as well.

PRESIDENT TRUMP: We have a good relationship with Lebanon. The amazing thing is they actually have sort of a good relationship with Israel, they just don’t deal with each other. But now they are going to deal with each other. We are going to help them.

Thousands of declassified American diplomatic documents make understanding the 1983 U.S.–Syria duel in Lebanon possible. Contrary to the facile accusations of the Syrian/Iranian axis and its allies in the 1980s (e.g., Hezbollah, Berri, Jumblatt, etc.), Ronald Reagan meant well in Lebanon. In a nutshell, his policy had three objectives at the time: 1. Secure the withdrawal of Syrian, Israeli, and Palestinian forces; 2. Foster national reconciliation among Lebanon’s bickering factions to end the civil war; 3. Build a strong central state with a capable Lebanese Army in control of the country’s territory. There was nothing sinister in Reagan's agenda—no “imperialist” plot against Lebanon. Nothing U.S. officials pursued at the time ran contrary to basic Lebanese interests. Why did Reagan's Lebanon policy fail despite the obvious imbalance of power between America and Syria? The reasons are complex, but one deserves special emphasis: Lebanon mattered far more to Syria than it did to the United States. Washington could afford to abandon the Lebanese file once it became too costly. To win, all Syria needed was not to lose. In practice, this meant unleashing Hezbollah against the U.S. Marines and mobilizing Jumblatt and Berri against the American-backed Lebanese government—then waiting for U.S. fatigue. The strategy worked. Robert C. McFarlane, Philip Habib's successor as Reagan’s envoy, understood Syria’s approach from the outset. He urged combining diplomacy with credible military pressure so Assad would understand that the United States meant business. But McFarlane was thwarted by a Pentagon that had little appetite for deeper involvement in Lebanon. Assad emerged triumphant. The rest is history. There is a lesson here for Lebanon today. America is a friend—not the sinister imperialist power depicted in Hezbollah propaganda. But when it comes to Lebanon, U.S. attention is limited and often fleeting. Lebanese leaders should not overestimate how much their country matters in American strategic calculations. Occasionally, Washington refocuses on Lebanon; when it does, those moments must be seized decisively. If Lebanon helps itself, America is more likely to help. Otherwise, it will move on. American goodwill is palpable yet again today but it isn’t enough: we need to help ourselves for America to help us. Shenanigans such as "We can go back to the 1949 truce agreement but we can't sign peace with Israel"; or "disarming Hezbollah is a process not an event" are mere excuses for immobilism and inaction. If the Lebanese state does not act, Washington will once again disengage. Hezbollah understands this and is clearly playing for time. The question is whether the Lebanese government understands it as well.

Destroying the statue of Jesus in Beirut, Lebanon today. Let me tell you how the process of Islamification the land works. You have a town with a Christian population that practices its faith freely. Then some Muslims move into the town, and now you’re adjusting to accommodate their religion in ways that don’t compromise your own. But that’s never the end of it. You get your religious statue destroyed, so the next year you might not put it back up because you want to avoid conflict. Then the school in town stops serving anything except halal food. Then the curriculum starts introducing Islamic teachings because there are now more Muslim students. Then come calls for sex segregation inside the school. Then non-Muslim women start becoming self-aware about their clothing so as not to offend the neighbors. Then you have to watch your language. Eventually, you just move because you don’t want to deal with all of this, and another Muslim buys your house. Now apply this to the West, but instead of a religious statue, insert “freedom of speech.” You self-censor. The law loses its meaning. Then you move somewhere you don’t have to submit, and so on, and so forth. This is how Christians in Lebanon moved from being the absolute majority, to almost a suffocating minority.

The IDF is currently examining the reliability of the photograph. If this is indeed a real, recent picture, these actions do not align with the IDF's values ​​and the behavior expected of IDF soldiers. The incident will be investigated thoroughly and in depth, and if necessary, steps will be taken in accordance with the findings.

Today we mark the 43rd anniversary of the terrorist attack against our U.S. Embassy in Ain el‑Mreisseh on April 18, 1983. Since then, the same terrorists and their networks have continued to undermine and threaten Lebanon, and both Lebanese and Americans have paid for this violence with their lives, including here on Lebanese soil. By pursuing the path of peace in the face of those who would sow terrorism and unrest, the U.S. Embassy solemnly honors the memory of our American and Lebanese colleagues killed in that attack, and all those who have been murdered by terrorism in the years since.

Amen!

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