AngryKiroitori

大丈夫か？

🚨 🇮🇷:What if you were sentenced to death just for stopping to help someone bleeding on the side of the road? Meet Abolfazl Karimi. A 35-year-old father. A motorcycle courier just trying to make a living This week, the regime's notorious "hanging judge" sentenced him to death

Starmer Didn't Fail the Rape Gang Victims. He Chose to. Keir Starmer knew. His senior Home Office minister Jess Phillips knew. The institutions charged with protecting children knew for decades. That much is now beyond dispute. The question that follows is not whether Starmer knew. It is why, knowing what he knew, he spent the better part of a year blocking a national inquiry, smearing those who called for one as far-right, and using his parliamentary supermajority to vote it down. The answer is not complicated. In January 2025, 364 Labour MPs voted against a national inquiry into grooming gangs. Every one of those MPs represented constituencies. The 32 constituencies with the highest Muslim populations all returned Labour MPs at the 2024 election. Professor Alexis Jay, who led the Rotherham inquiry, said in 2015 that authorities had been reluctant to act out of their desire to accommodate a community expected to vote Labour. A former Labour MP, Simon Danczuk, was told by a Labour Party chairman not to draw attention to the ethnicity of the perpetrators in case it damaged the party's electoral chances. Sir Trevor Phillips, former chair of the Equality and Human Rights Commission and no enemy of Labour, told Times Radio the government was not acting because of the demographic background of the perpetrators and their presence in Labour-held seats. These are not right-wing commentators speculating. They are documented, named, on the record. The crimes themselves followed a pattern that the political class understood and chose not to name. Predominantly Pakistani-heritage men targeted predominantly white working-class girls over decades, in towns across northern England. The word Pakistani was tippexed out of case files. Officers were told to stop investigating for fear of offending the local Muslim community. A Labour MP was told by his own party chairman to stay quiet. The victims were failed first by the criminals, then by the institutions, and then by a political party that judged their suffering less important than its electoral coalition. Starmer's personal position is particularly difficult to defend. As Director of Public Prosecutions between 2008 and 2013, he had oversight of the Crown Prosecution Service during the period when cases were being dropped or not brought. He wrote about Rotherham in 2014, carefully skirting the racial dimension. In January 2025 he accused those demanding an inquiry of jumping on the bandwagon of the far-right. In June 2025, having read Baroness Casey's report, he announced a national inquiry and claimed Casey had changed his mind. But Casey confirmed what Starmer already knew. The information was not new. Only the political cost of ignoring it had changed. The inquiry officially begins on 13 April 2026, fifteen months after Labour voted it down in Parliament. It will run for three years. It will examine whether ethnicity, culture or religion played a part in the crimes and the institutional response to them. It will do so under a chairwoman who has promised not to flinch from uncomfortable truths. Whether the political class that created the conditions for this scandal will face any consequence from it remains to be seen. Public inquiries are slow and expensive. Governments change. Memories fade. The victims, who are now adults, have already waited decades. Dan Hodges, writing in the Mail this week, framed this as a story about what Starmer knew. He is right as far as he goes. But this is not about mistakes being made. Mistakes happen in good faith. What happened here was a calculation, made repeatedly over many years, that the votes of one community mattered more than the safety of another. The children who paid the price for that calculation were not factored into it at all.