David BFC

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David BFC

David BFC

@DavidBeeHive

#BarnetFC fan.

North West London Katılım Mayıs 2010
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j wall ✡
j wall ✡@jwhaifa·
She escaped the Nazis. Then she spent the rest of her life warning us: the real danger isn't the dictator—it's when ordinary people can no longer tell truth from lies. 1933. Berlin. Hannah Arendt, 27, sat in a Gestapo cell. She had been caught doing something considered treasonous: researching antisemitism. Eight days of interrogation. Then, by luck and a sympathetic officer, she was released. She fled immediately. Czechoslovakia. France. After France fell, internment in a camp in the Pyrenees. Escape across Spain and Portugal. Finally, a ship to New York in 1941. She arrived with nothing but questions: how could a cultured nation descend into barbarism? How could ordinary people—teachers, doctors, neighbors—participate in systematic murder? Hannah spent the next four decades answering them. Born 1906 in Hanover, Germany, she lost her father at seven. Her mother raised her in intellectual freedom. She studied with Martin Heidegger and Karl Jaspers. Brilliant. But being Jewish in Nazi Germany made brilliance irrelevant. When Hitler rose, her career evaporated. Her safety evaporated. She became a refugee—and a thinker who would redefine how we understand tyranny. 1951. *The Origins of Totalitarianism*. She revealed the terrifying truth: totalitarianism doesn’t need true believers. It needs people who cannot distinguish fact from fiction. Lies don’t convince—they destroy the ability to know what is real. Propaganda floods the mind until people “believe everything and nothing, think that everything was possible and that nothing was true.” 1961. The trial of Adolf Eichmann. Not a monster, but a bland bureaucrat. “Just following orders.” Arendt called it “the banality of evil.” Ordinary people, unthinking, enable atrocities. 1962. *Men in Dark Times*. Even in darkness, small acts of courage matter. Individuals who refuse to surrender judgment, who insist on distinguishing truth from lies, can ignite change. Arendt believed in “natality”—every birth carries the potential for new action, resistance, creation. No tyranny can fully extinguish human agency. December 4, 1975. New York City. Hannah Arendt died at 69, at her desk, mid-sentence, thinking. Today, her warnings are urgent: lies flood media, authoritarianism spreads, truth becomes contested. The antidote remains the same: think for yourself. Refuse to surrender your judgment. Protect the distinction between fact and fiction. Kindle your flickering light. Every person who refuses to stop thinking is an act of resistance. Hannah Arendt (1906–1975) Refugee. Philosopher. Truth-teller. The woman who escaped tyranny—and spent her life teaching us how to recognize it before it’s too late.
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Ahmed Al-Khalidi
Ahmed Al-Khalidi@khalidi79397·
What changed in 1948? The Jews stopped being Palestinians. May 14, 1948. Ben-Gurion reads the Declaration of Independence. The next morning, the residents of the Yishuv wake up as Israelis. The label they'd carried for decades was simply vacated. The Palestine Post → Jerusalem Post (1950). Palestine Symphony Orchestra → Israel Philharmonic. Palestine Electric Company → Israel Electric Corporation. Anglo-Palestine Bank → Bank Leumi le-Israel. Palestine pound → Israeli lira. Jewish Agency for Palestine → just the Jewish Agency. "Palestinian" passports → Israeli ones. Within 24 months, "Palestinian" had been stripped off every Jewish institution that had worn it. Now the Arab side. Arabs did not rush to claim the empty label in 1948. They didn't claim it for another generation. In 1948, the Arabs who fled or remained still called themselves Arabs. The Arab League's war wasn't fought in the name of "Palestine" as a nation. It was fought to prevent partition and absorb the territory into existing Arab states. Transjordan took the West Bank and East Jerusalem and in 1950 simply annexed them; the residents became Jordanian citizens with Jordanian passports. Egypt took Gaza and ran it under military administration. No citizenship, no nation, no "Palestine." The one institutional use of "Palestinian" that survived 1948 was a refugee category: UNRWA, created December 1949, defined "Palestine refugees" as a humanitarian classification. Not a nationality. It kept the word alive in international bureaucratic language while the Arab world itself wasn't using it nationally. Then came the long appropriation. 1964. Nasser sponsors the founding of the PLO in Cairo. The original charter (Article 24) explicitly disclaims any sovereignty over the West Bank, Gaza, or the Himmah area. Read that again. The founding document of the Palestine Liberation Organization renounces claims to the West Bank and Gaza. Because in 1964, those were Arab lands belonging to Jordan and Egypt. The PLO's purpose was to liberate the part Israel held, not those parts. 1967. Israel takes the West Bank and Gaza in six days. Suddenly Jordan and Egypt no longer hold the territory, and the Arab residents there are no longer Jordanians or under Egyptian rule. The pan-Arab framework had just been humiliated on the battlefield. A new identity was needed. 1968. The PLO charter is rewritten. Article 24's disclaimer disappears. The West Bank and Gaza are now central to Palestinian national claims. The label has been fully transferred. Sequence: 1917–1948: "Palestinian" = Jewish institutions and self-identification; Arabs reject the term and call themselves Arabs / Southern Syrians. 1948: Jews drop the label and become Israelis. The word goes dormant on the Arab side, surviving mainly as a UN refugee category. 1948–1967: Arabs in the West Bank are Jordanians. Arabs in Gaza are stateless subjects of Egyptian military rule. "Palestinian" is not yet a national identity. 1964–1968: The PLO transitions the label into a national identity but only after 1967 makes pan-Arabism politically untenable. 1948 didn't create a Palestinian Arab nation. It vacated a Jewish label and left a 20-year identity gap that Arab nationalism took until 1968 to fill.
Ahmed Al-Khalidi@khalidi79397

Until 1948, "Palestinian" overwhelmingly meant Jewish. The Palestine Post (1932): Jewish newspaper, renamed the Jerusalem Post after Israel was founded. The Palestine Symphony Orchestra (1936): built by Bronislaw Huberman to rescue Jewish musicians from Europe. The Palestine Electric Company (Pinhas Rutenberg, 1923): Jewish. The Anglo-Palestine Bank: became Bank Leumi. Keren Hayesod was the "Palestine Foundation Fund." The Jewish Agency's official name was the Jewish Agency for Palestine. Jews carried "Palestinian" passports under the Mandate and used the term as a self-identifier. Arab leaders, meanwhile, rejected it. February 1919: the First Palestinian Arab Congress in Jerusalem declared Palestine "part of Arab Syria, as it has never been separated from it at any time." The slogan was Suriyya al-Janubiyya - Southern Syria. 1937: Auni Abd al-Hadi, founder of the Istiqlal Party, told the Peel Commission: "There is no such country as Palestine. 'Palestine' is a term the Zionists invented. Our country was for centuries part of Syria." 1946: Princeton's Philip Hitti, the most prominent Arab-American historian of his generation, told the Anglo-American Committee: "There is no such thing as Palestine in history, absolutely not." The PLO wasn't founded until 1964. And even its founding charter explicitly disclaimed sovereignty over the West Bank (Jordanian) and Gaza (Egyptian). A distinct Palestinian national identity, defined against Israel rather than as part of pan-Arabism or Greater Syria, is largely a post-1967 phenomenon. PLO Executive Committee member Zuheir Mohsen put it bluntly in Trouw, March 1977: "The Palestinian people does not exist. The creation of a Palestinian state is only a means for continuing our struggle against the State of Israel for our Arab unity. Today there is no difference between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians and Lebanese." None of this means the millions who identify as Palestinian today aren't sincere. Identities get constructed, reinforced, become real. That's how nationalism works everywhere. But the sequence matters. A Jewish national identity tied to this land is millennia old. The Arab "Palestinian" identity, as something distinct from Syrian or pan-Arab, is a 20th-century construction. And for its first decades, the people we now call Palestinians actively rejected the label.

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Ringo 🇮🇱✡️
Ringo 🇮🇱✡️@Ringo496351·
Summarizing today's Human Rights activists
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Stephen Pollard
Stephen Pollard@stephenpollard·
Here's my @JewishChron column on the Ben-Gvir video thejc.com/opinion/ben-gv… The importance of last night’s appalling video of Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir taunting detainees from the latest Gaza flotilla is easy to misunderstand. The immediate context of its revolting content is certainly clear. Ben-Gvir is a racist street thug who shames anything of which he is a part. Since he is a member of the Israeli Cabinet, that means he shames not just the current government but Israel itself. But it’s important not to make the mistake of thinking that the content of the video – or rather the actual despicable treatment of the detainees – is simply an example of Ben-Gvir playing to his gallery. As Rachel Gur has pointed out: “This isn’t just political theatre or electoral pandering – it’s hard strategy. The goal of Ben-Gvir’s theatrics is to ensure that Israel is increasing isolated. An Israel that is turned inward, convinced that it is up against the wall, is an Israel where he can win elections.” Ben Gvir is especially dangerous to Israel not just because of who he is, and what it says about the Israeli government that he is the national security minister. The danger he poses to Israel is even greater than that because his very goal is the sort of condemnation that has been widespread since the video first circulated. Israel has become inured to such statements in recent years because the usual suspects (including, one has to say, Britain) issue pro-forma condemnations even when Israel needs to be supported. But while those same usual suspects are of course condemning the Ben-Gvir video, it is nonetheless different. When the likes of Georgia Meloni, who has been a supporter of Israel’s right and need to defend itself from terror, joins them, it shows how Ben-Gvir’s behaviour is, on its own appalling terms, succeeding. The idea that there is some actual security and deterrence purpose to his behaviour in the video is a red herring. Far from deterring future flotillas, both he and the flotilla members have a perverse parity of interest in more coming. Ben-Gvir revels in the outrage generated by his response to their arrival, and they revel in being able to show the world how Israel is the villain they paint it as. Ben Gvir is a godsend to the antisemites and "antizionists”. If they tried to construct an Israeli minister designed to repel the world and to win over moderates to their cause, they could hardly come up with a better creation than the national security minister. Rather than staying home in future to avoid such treatment, his behaviour incentivises them to return. That is why he is so very dangerous to Israel – far more so than the mere fact of his views. Israel has every right to detain and then deport those who threaten its security. Other governments might make pro forma protests, but Israel can ignore such protests as the usual hot air, as would any government that is committed to the safety of its citizens. But Ben-Gvir’s behaviour turns what should be a run-of-the-mill detain and deport operation into an international outrage, and gives the detainees the patina of legitimacy. He plays into the hands of Israel’s enemies – and does so, as we have seen, quite deliberately. In this context, it is at the same time both important and bizarre that Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, should criticise Ben-Gvir’s actions as “not in line with Israel’s values and norms.” Indeed so. Ben-Gvir repulses the overwhelming majority of Israelis. As foreign minister Gideon Sa’ar put it, “you are not the face of Israel”. But Ben-Gvir did not become national security minister by accident. He was appointed by Netanyahu, breaking a convention that lasted since Israel’s independence in 1948 that no figures such as Ben-Gvir and Smotrich would ever be brought into government for one reason alone: so that Netanyahu could become and then remain prime minister. He needed their votes. If we are to criticise Ben-Gvir’s presence in the government, one man is to blame: Benjamin Netanyahu. It is all very well him criticising his minister’s actions, but if it wasn’t for Netanyahu, Ben-Gvir would be no more than a racist street thug representing a fringe party in the Knesset. If Ben-Gvir is damaging Israel’s national security by his actions – and he is – then one man is blame for that.
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David BFC
David BFC@DavidBeeHive·
@JewishNewsUK While they are level on seat numbers, the Tories got 20,000 more votes than Labour across the borough. Seems archaic for the mayor to have a casting vote in this situation.
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Angela Rayner
Angela Rayner@AngelaRayner·
I welcome HMRC’s conclusion, which has cleared me of any wrongdoing. I have been exonerated by HMRC of the accusation that I deliberately sought to avoid tax. When purchasing a home of my own with a mortgage, I did not own any other property and had no personal financial interest in the court-instructed trust set up to manage my son’s financial award. I was advised by experts that I should pay stamp duty at the standard rate. I set out to pay the correct amount of tax. I took reasonable care and acted in good faith, based on the expert advice I received, and HMRC has accepted this. I have always sought to act with integrity, and I believe politicians should be held to high standards - that is why I resigned from government and cooperated fully with HMRC.  I wanted to ensure that I paid every penny that I owed, and have done so. I am relieved that my family can now move on - and that I can get on with my job.
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Politics UK
Politics UK@PolitlcsUK·
🚨 NEW: Zack Polanski has tonight admitted that he failed to pay the correct council tax while living on a houseboat in London
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David Buik
David Buik@truemagic68·
@footballmemorys I recognise Derek Dougan, Malcolm Allison, Jack Charlton, Brian Clough & Brian Moore - don’t know the others
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Mr Reasonable
Mr Reasonable@ReasonableNB·
@BrokenBarnet We are in for interesting times in Barnet with the one Green cllr holding the balance of power 31 Labour 31 Tory and 1 Green
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Ben בן
Ben בן@Ben_said_it·
@lmharpin Con gained all 3 Now comes down to High Barnet and East Barnet
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lee harpin
lee harpin@lmharpin·
Brunswick Park declaration shortly. Understand good for Tories
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David BFC
David BFC@DavidBeeHive·
@lmharpin Or could it be the judgement that Reform didn't have a snowball's chance in hell - so instead vote where it counted.
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lee harpin
lee harpin@lmharpin·
One take way from Barnet results is that the Greens appear to have inflicted more damage on Lab vote than Reform has on Tories. Large Jewish community perhaps still suspicious of Farage and his attempt to woo them with pro Israel stance
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David BFC
David BFC@DavidBeeHive·
@lmharpin Incorrect assessment IMO - there are significant local issues where Labour have blotted their copybook
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