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@Family__Man

Aggressive, Progressive.

USA Katılım Nisan 2010
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@mit@Family__Man·
I do not think Kejriwal and other AAP leaders should continue like this. If going to jail can't wake up the conscience of the public, nothing else will. They are not obligated to waste their lives fighting for such a dishonest public who can't stand up for themselves. 🙏
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@mit
@mit@Family__Man·
@rkbnow @ArvindKejriwal "I will still say though..." When someone adds something like this when talking about Kejriwal, it sounds to me like this... Now I realized how good Kejriwal is... But, I still want to exercise my right to remain an asshole.... So yeah... Here is why Kejriwal is still not good!
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Rajiv Kunwar Bajaj
Hate him, love him but @ArvindKejriwal shows how it’s done I still say though #ArvindKejriwal should never have allowed himself to be seduced by the idea of a classical bungalow in Delhi (and should never have cultivated the parasitic press on Delhi) and AK would still be Delhi CM DER aaye durust aaye @AamAadmiParty
Bar and Bench@barandbench

Arvind Kejriwal argues his application for recusal of Delhi High Court judge Justice Swarana Sharma from hearing CBI's challenge in the Delhi excise policy case. Read here: barandbench.com/news/litigatio…

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Arvind Kejriwal
Arvind Kejriwal@ArvindKejriwal·
ये वीडियो ज़रूर देखिए। अब मोदी जी के लिए चुनाव जीतने का बस एक ही तरीका बचा है - असली वोट कटवाओ, नक़ली वोट जुड़वाओ।
Dhruv Rathee@dhruv_rathee

Watch: youtu.be/uO7psbj2uio?si…

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Bhogesh Solapur
Bhogesh Solapur@BhogeshSolapur·
I saw the opposition parties talking about Punjab's debt and criticizing the AAP government, so I decided to put a few facts to light.. When AAP government took over Punjab, the state was already in a debt of about 3 lakh crores. Gujarat was at about 4 lakh crores and UP was just under 3 lakh crores. Now, with BJP in power at the center, Gujarat and UP have been aided with huge central government funds. While Punjab today continues to fight for even its rural development fund from the center. Now despite this apathy, Punjab has free electricity, 10 lakh health insurance cover, 990 aam aadmi clinics, largescale road development projects, corruption free govt recruitment, a road safety force, top quality underdevelopment playgrounds in villages, a war against drugs.. just to name a few things. Punjab Govt in these 4 years has given back to the people in unimaginable ways with the 3 lakh crore burden it had because of previous governments of BJP, Akali and Congress. If anything it deserve applause. One may wonder, with that kind of debt what did these opposition parties do for Punjab when they were in power.. what was the debt used for? There is not one welfare scheme that you can point at. These parties plundered Punjab, gave little to nothing to the people, left the state drowned in drugs, and now just can't stand that a government is actually working for the people. AAP is here to stay in Punjab. No amount of lies and hypocrisy from opposition can prevent AAP from forming a government for the second time.
Bhogesh Solapur tweet media
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@mit
@mit@Family__Man·
It happened again... 🎊
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@mit
@mit@Family__Man·
@indian_nagrik इन लोगों को क्या तकलीफ है भाई? 😂
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Saurav Das
Saurav Das@SauravDassss·
#ImportantNews: The controversy over the alleged Delhi liquor-scam case before Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma is no longer confined to courtroom conduct alone. Now more troubling questions of proximity, patronage, conflict-of-interest, and the appearance of bias have come to light. Several of the 23 dischargees in the case had formally sought Justice Sharma’s recusal from hearing the CBI’s challenge to their discharge. Even then, the judge has so far resisted calls to step aside, even as former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal himself appears in person to argue the recusal application. Arguments are now scheduled for Monday, 13 April 2026. In my last Case In Point column for @frontline_india, I had already revealed, through an analysis of all the 165 criminal revision petitions of the same category as Kejriwal’s case, that Justice Sharma clearly departed from her usual pattern of handling such matters and had taken an unusually strange interest in this case. That, along with many other details that if read in singularity can be met with a shrug, but when read together, reveals a troubling pattern and credible fears of apprehension of bias in the liquor case. These by itself had raised serious questions. You may read my piece here: frontline.thehindu.com/columns/delhi-… What has surfaced now makes those questions HARDER to dismiss. Justice Sharma’s son and daughter—Ishaan Sharma and Shambhavi Sharma—have both been empanelled by the Union government before the Delhi High Court and the Supreme Court. According to the empanelment details, both siblings were appointed on the very same days: 11 September 2025 for the Delhi High Court panels and 21 November 2025 for the Supreme Court panels. 1. Ishaan Sharma holds panels before both courts, including the highest Group A panel before the Supreme Court and Senior Panel Counsel status before the Delhi High Court. 2. Shambhavi Sharma, with mere four years of enrolment as advocate, too holds panels before both courts: Group C before the Supreme Court and Government Pleader before the Delhi High Court. 3. Ishaan Sharma also held a panel in the Delhi Development Authority (DDA), under the Union Housing Ministry, till at least 2024 (Check: sci.gov.in/sci-get-pdf/?d…). 4. He also held a panel in the Delhi State Legal Services Authority since 2021 until at least the end of 2024 (Check: cdnbbsr.s3waas.gov.in/s395b7a6d9a47c…). Panel counselship is among the most coveted forms of government legal patronage in the system. Ask any advocate and they will tell you how through these positions, the government allocates litigation, visibility, professional standing, and income. But the more important and troubling part is that they are positions held at the pleasure of the very government whose top law officers are now appearing before Justice Sharma in one of the most politically explosive cases in the country. And that is where the conflict sharpens. Of course, one need not prove an explicit bargain but justice must also be SEEN to be done, especially when it is a case of public interest. The test for seeking recusal of a judge is whether there exists a reasonable apprehension of bias and whether public confidence in the fairness of the process has been impaired. Like I had explained in my column, Indian law on recusal has long recognised that what matters is not just actual bias, but whether a litigant could REASONABLY FEEL that justice may NOT appear to be done. Here, several of the 23 dischargees feel justice may not be done impartially. And now this issue of one advocate, who happens to be the son of a judge, accumulating large number of panels within a relatively short post-enrolment period as an advocate. Ask any lawyer and they will tell you how many more accomplished, brilliant persons, with many more years as an advocate have failed to secure a panel through the formal process. The concerns are many. In this case, the question is whether a judge can continue to hear a politically sensitive challenge brought by the CBI, while her kin hold multiple Union government panels and receive work from the same legal establishment whose top officers allocate cases to them and are now appearing before her? Note this: as per one RTI reply I received, Ishaan Sharma was allocated 2,487 cases in 2023, 1,784 cases in 2024, and 1,633 cases in 2025. In both 2024 and 2025, he was allocated more case files than even Zoheb Hossain, the top, most publicly visible Enforcement Directorate lawyer—by 91 in 2024 and by 582 in 2025. This of course suggests the sustained and substantial allocation of state work before the son. The allocation is done by the topmost in the legal system. Also, this is not the first time that such questions of potential conflict of interest have arisen. In September 2024, I had highlighted the case of Padmesh Mishra, whose appointments across multiple union government and Rajasthan government positions drew scrutiny after his father, Justice Prashant Kumar Mishra, was elevated to the Supreme Court. Check: x.com/SauravDassss/s… The unease then was the same as it is now: when the children of sitting judges begin to accumulate government panels and positions in unusual concentration, something a regular lawyer, perhaps much more brilliant and of more history of practice, can only dream of, particularly after or around the parent’s rise within the judiciary, the issue is of institutional credibility. And no one really needs to state that that credibility is already under strain. Recently, Justice Manmohan of the Supreme Court himself publicly flagged corruption in the appointment of panel counsels by the Union government, questioning whether such appointments are really being made on merit at all. In a system where even a sitting Supreme Court judge is warning that panel-counsel appointments may be infected by extraneous considerations, the appearance of conflict in the present case becomes still harder to shrug away. Check: x.com/barandbench/st… Seen in that light, the present controversy is again not whether Justice Sharma is actually biased. It is about whether the institution can credibly insist that there is nothing to see here. The CBI has just filed an affidavit supporting Justice Sharma. A judge who I have documented, as per her own orders, to show unusual interest in a politically sensitive matter now finds herself in a position where her own kind hold/held as many as SIX government panels between them, while their bosses continue to appear before her. Even if one were to assume the absence of any actual impropriety, does this arrangement augur well for the appearance of judicial independence, especially in this case? The question is whether this not enough evidence of apprehension of bias that should suffice for a recusal. That is the question the High Court ought to have confronted with seriousness. Instead, by resisting recusal in these circumstances, the judge is unfortunately deepening this very suspicion that it should have avoided at all costs, or at least for the sake of institution.
Saurav Das tweet media
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@mit
@mit@Family__Man·
@indian_nagrik @ArvindKejriwal Yeah... This and AK also met him after coming out of jail... So I never cared about rumors. 😔
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@mit
@mit@Family__Man·
@raghav_chadha, मेरी भी एक किताब है... जरूर पाढ़ना. "andwa कितना भी बड़ा हो जाए, रहता लौंडे के नीचे ही है. दूसरा... " साना कौवा gooh खाता है." चुपचाप राजनीति से सन्यास ले लो, नहीं तो जिस direction मे जा रहे हो, पेले जरूर जाओगे. 😔
The Times Of India@timesofindia

Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) MP #RaghavChadha on Monday shared a cryptic Instagram post amid his ongoing rift with the party leadership. #Chadha's post showed him reading the #book "The 48 Laws of Power" by US author Robert Greene. He also shared images of the book cover and its first #chapter. More details 🔗 toi.in/0LagnY

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Madhu Purnima Kishwar
Madhu Purnima Kishwar@madhukishwar·
I knew PM had committed countless crimes but I had no idea even his sex crimes are industrial scale. So much more information is pouring in from people who have known him closely. If I survive him, my next book might well be a compendium of Modi crimes- Modinama Part Two as प्रायश्चित for having failed to grasp that MODI IS PURE UNADULTRATED EVIL
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Ashutosh Ranka
Ashutosh Ranka@AshutoshRanka·
Darab, Thank you for your polite response. It is refreshing to see that people can still have a disagreement on Twitter without it turning into mudslinging. As I expected, the implicit “but” is what your response ultimately is. The schools are real. The clinics are real. The money saved is real. “But…” What you and others fail to acknowledge is that this is not incidental. This is the textbook definition of empowerment. Focus on health. Focus on education. Giving women financial freedom. Making social welfare the core of governance. That is not avoidance. That is a political choice. Why does the legitimacy of a political party remain contingent on how neatly it can be placed within the historical buckets of left or right? Or more specifically, what you think is the conventional left or right? Is that the benchmark of politics? Who defined it, and why should everyone else operate within it? When AAP teaches the idea of being an Indian citizen through the Deshbhakti curriculum, why should that not be considered a counter to “Hindutva nationalism”? When a School of Excellence comes up in the neglected lanes of Okhla, why is that not a counter to “communal exclusion”? When a first-time Dalit MLA is made to contest on a general seat or free coaching is provided for marginalised students, why should that not be seen as a counter to “caste hierarchy”? If a party chooses to answer these questions through action instead of constant theoretical positioning, why is that not good enough? It is not good enough for you because it does not fit your definition of what the “right” left looks like. Yes, AAP is not a conventional political party. In fact, it was never meant to be. The whole idea was to move beyond debates that have consumed Indian politics for decades without materially improving people’s lives. There is an over-glorification of ideology as something that must always be declared, repeated, and performed. But what has that achieved for the ordinary citizen? Our freedom struggle was not fought through mere ideological labels. It was rooted in Swaraj, Ahimsa and Swadeshi. It was about dignity, participation, and self-determination. Here is a party trying to ensure that every citizen has access to basic opportunities, that every child can dream, that every household can live with dignity. Is that not political enough? Is that not transformative enough? You say ideology is about positions on power. I would argue that redistribution of opportunity is the most fundamental position on power. Btw, if you are still looking for explicit answers to the questions you raised, they are not hidden. A simple google search will show you Arvind Kejriwal taking positions on most of these issues. The problem is not absence of position. The problem is that you expect AAP to constantly perform those positions in the language and frequency that you recognise. You say you do not want press conferences. But that is exactly what you and others keep asking for. That AAP stops doing what it is doing, and instead spends its time repeatedly signalling ideological alignment in the vocabulary you are comfortable with. That is precisely what AAP chose not to become. And hopefully will not become.
Darab Farooqui@darab_farooqui

Ashutosh, Thank you for this, and I mean that genuinely. This is exactly the kind of pushback that makes the argument sharper. But I think you have argued against something I did not say. I never claimed AAP's governance work doesn't matter. The schools are real. The clinics are real. The money saved in household budgets is real. I acknowledge all of that. My argument is about something different. Ideology is not just delivery. It is a coherent position on power. On who the state protects and who it abandons. And on that question, AAP has never had a clear answer. The Bilkis Bano moment was not about making the right statement. Speaking up was also delivery. It was using the moral authority of a sitting government to demand justice for a rape survivor in the state they were actively campaigning in. They chose not to. That is not neutrality. That is a choice about whose dignity counts. And that choice has a pattern. When Delhi burned in February 2020 and Indian Muslims were being slaughtered in the worst pogrom the capital had seen in decades, AAP was the government. They could have hit the streets, led peace marches, used the authority of office to intervene. They didn't. When Bilkis Bano's rapists were garlanded as heroes, they talked about schools. When asked about communalism in Gujarat, they deflected every single time. This is not strategic neutrality. This is a political choice. And that choice has a name. It is soft Hindutva. Not the aggressive kind that burns and demolishes. But the kind that decides certain lives are too inconvenient to defend, certain questions too dangerous to answer, and certain communities better kept as vote banks than as equal citizens. On the left being just rhetoric, I would push back hard on that. The Indian left is not just English speaking intellectuals writing opinion pieces. It is Ambedkar, yes, Ambedkar is left. Leading the Mahad Satyagraha and writing a Constitution that enshrined equality as a fundamental right. It is the socialist tradition of Lohia and JP that understood caste and economic exclusion cannot be fought separately. It is the communists who broke feudalism in Kerala and Bengal through land reforms that changed the material lives of millions. It is the Ambedkarite movement today doing unglamorous ground level work on atrocities, manual scavenging and reservation rights without cameras or government budgets behind them. Even Congress, whenever it leaned left, produced its most transformative moments. Remember, the Land ceiling acts. The early years of genuine non-alignment. What you call left rhetoric is actually left ideology. And left ideology does not just talk. It fights. It always has. Which brings me to the questions AAP has never answered. And I don't mean in press conferences. I mean as a party with a defined position. 1. What is AAP's position on caste as a structural problem and not just a welfare category? 2. Do they regard Hindutva as an ethno-nationalist militant movement or simply as a rival political party? 3. What is their position on minority rights as constitutional rights rather than acts of government generosity? 4. Where do they stand on the relationship between communalism and poverty, that one produces and sustains the other? 5. What is their position on reservation, not just as policy but as a question of historical justice? 6. Do they believe the Indian state has been complicit in anti-Muslim violence or do they regard these as law and order failures? 7. What is their position on the RSS, its ideology, its penetration of institutions? 8. Where do they stand on the systematic dismantling of constitutional safeguards since 2014? 9. What is their economic ideology beyond subsidies and fiscal management? And ultimately, who is their politics for? These are only some of the questions, not all of them and trust me they are not trick questions. CONT+

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