Dr. Jacques Daoud

At least 8 cities in the USA are named after Lebanon. Mentioned 70 times in the Bible. Many think it is a desert 🐫 🌵. Take a 39s peek here at the original Lebanon, land of Faith & the Bible, Byblos, Princess Europa, and the first alphabet. #WNLLS #Lebanon #CedarTree

He is Risen.

The tomb is empty. The promise is fulfilled. Through His sacrifice, we are redeemed. We stand firm in faith, courage, and truth—Happy Easter.

@bennyjohnson "Christ is risen" (Matthew 28:6), "He is risen indeed" (Luke 24:34). ✝️❤️🙏🏻

@ILA_NewsX Amen 🙏🏻

Charlie Kirk was right.

@Amineiskandar2 Christ is risen ✝️ Joyeuses Pâques 🙏🏻

ܡܫܝܚܐ ܩܡ ܦܨܚܐ ܒܪܝܟܐ Mshiħo qom Pesħo brikho Christ est ressuscité Joyeuses Pâques

@elonmusk @Tweet7733

Exactly

"Christ is risen" (Matthew 28:6), "He is risen indeed" (Luke 24:34).

🚨“WE GOT HIM! My fellow Americans, over the past several hours, the United States Military pulled off one of the most daring Search and Rescue Operations in U.S. History, for one of our incredible Crew Office Members, who also happens to be a highly respected Colonel, and who I am thrilled to let you know is SAFE and SOUND!” - President Donald J. Trump 🇺🇸

@realhzakaria Beautiful 👍 Happy Easter

The hymn I chose for Easter. Happy Easter everyone.

@Sachinettiyil "Christ is risen" (Matthew 28:6), "He is risen indeed" (Luke 24:34). Happy Easter 🙏🏻✝️

Wishing you a joyful and blessed Easter! Christ is risen — Christus resurrexit! He is risen indeed!

@elonmusk 👌

True

Muhammad is dead. Krishna is dead. Buddah is dead. Confucius is dead. Jesus Christ is alive. That is the truth that has remade the world. Glory to God.

@Hraoui17 "Christ is risen" (Matthew 28:6), "He is risen indeed" (Luke 24:34). ✝️❤️🙏🏻

المسيح قام .. .. حقاً قام 🙏❤️✝️

@TheMaronite "Christ is risen" (Matthew 28:6), "He is risen indeed" (Luke 24:34).

المسيح قام!

@flam_freedom11 👌

#طوني_أبي_نجم : الزعامات السياسية التي قامت على نهج مدرسة جميل السيد التي سقطت وانقرضت إلى غير رجعة، فيما لبنان باق وسيستمر

@wikylixxx ❤️

🇱🇧🔴 دموع ابنت رميش هي وسام شرف يضعه كل لبناني يؤمن بالدولة لا بالدويلة لانكم انتم المقاومين الحقيقين من يؤمن ببلده عكس من باع ارضه مجانا لا يستحق ان يدعي المقاومة

Christ is risen קדישת אלהא ܩܰܕܺܝܫܰܬ ܐܰܠܳܗܳܐ Qadishat Aloho קדישת חילתנא ܩܰܕܺܝܫܰܬ ܚܰܝܶܠܬܳܢܳܐ Qadishat xaieltono קדישת לא מיותא ܩܰܕܺܝܫܰܬ ܠܳܐ ܡܳܝܽܘܬܳܐ Qadishat lo moiuto משיחא דקם מן בית מיתא ܡܫܺܝܚܳܐ ܕܩ̣ܳܡ ܡܶܢ ܒܶܝܬ ܡܺܝ̈ܬܶܐ Mshixo dqom men beit mite אתרחם עלין ܐܶܬܪܰܚ̣ܰܡ ܥܠܰܝܢ Etraxam clain

@mimassi @GermanosPeter 💯

The tragedy in Lebanon isn’t just Western neglect — it’s the direct result of the global left’s ideological war on Christianity itself. In the Marxist lens that now dominates Western media, academia, and diplomacy, Christianity isn’t a founding faith or a civilizational anchor. It is “tradition” — the superstructure that supposedly sustains oppressors and keeps the oppressed in chains. And because the left sees itself as the eternal oppressed, its sacred mission becomes the dismantling of anything that smells of Christian heritage, order, or Western-rooted identity. That is why the Kurds received arms, training, safe zones, and strategic patronage, while Lebanon’s Christians were lectured about “coexistence,” disarmed morally, and portrayed as the villains of their own story. One community was treated as a geopolitical asset worth defending; the other was reduced to a moral inconvenience standing in the way of “progress.” The West didn’t simply abandon Lebanon’s Christians. It actively helped create the intellectual climate in which their slow erasure became not only acceptable, but fashionable. Because in the end, for this ideology, annihilating the “oppressor” (even when he is the last line of pluralistic civilization in the Middle East) is the final objective. The Last of the Mohicans weren’t defeated by accident. They were left to die on principle.

The Last of the Mohicans How the West Abandoned Lebanon’s Christians If the West had given Lebanon’s Christians even a fraction of the weapons, mentorship, strategic protection, and political backing it gave the Kurds from the 1980s onward, we would be speaking today about a very different Lebanon. Instead, Lebanon’s Christians were left to decline in full view of the very powers that never stopped lecturing them. The tragedy is not merely that the West failed to save them. It is that it was rarely even neutral. Western media, diplomacy, and policy circles too often portrayed Lebanese Christians not as a founding community under existential pressure, but as the convenient villain of the Lebanese story. Others were explained, excused, financed, armed, or accommodated. The Christians of Lebanon were judged. This pattern is old. In 1915–1918, Mount Lebanon was devastated by famine. Ottoman brutality. But the maritime blockade imposed by the Allies on the Eastern Mediterranean also sealed the mountain’s agony. The same France that later wrapped itself in the sentimental language of protection was part of the broader wartime system under which Mount Lebanon starved. Then came the French Mandate, with all its paternal vocabulary and none of the long-term realism required to protect a fragile plural society in a ruthless region. France helped draft formulas, draw borders, and manufacture illusions. It did not build a durable strategic architecture that could preserve Christian political weight once the regional storm began. The US was no better. Washington spoke the language of stability while rewarding every force that destabilized the country. It had no difficulty understanding that the Kurds, facing annihilation, needed hard power, international cover, training, and long-term military partnership. There, the West understood the obvious truth of the Middle East: communities do not survive on poetry, conferences, and constitutional nostalgia. They survive on deterrence, organization, and allies willing to do more than issue statements. But in Lebanon, that logic suddenly disappeared. Lebanese Christians were expected to believe in the magic of “coexistence” while every other serious actor believed in weapons, money, foreign sponsorship, demographic patience, and strategic depth. They were told to disarm morally before others disarmed physically. They were instructed to trust “the international community,” that elegant phrase usually meaning a room full of men who will arrive late, speak softly, and leave early. The result is now visible to everyone. The community that once stood as the political and institutional spine of Lebanon has been reduced, over time, from a majority to the country’s largest anxious minority. It still carries memory, education, networks, and an idea of Lebanon larger than itself. But it was slowly stripped of the one thing no community can lose in the Middle East without paying a historic price: the means to shape outcomes. This is why the comparison with the Kurds is so painful. The Kurds were not romanticized into helplessness. At crucial moments, they were armed, guided, shielded, and integrated into a serious strategic vision. Lebanese Christians were given sermons. The Kurds were treated as a geopolitical reality. Lebanese Christians were treated as a moral problem. And so Lebanon drifted. This is not a call for nostalgia. It is an indictment of hypocrisy. The West did not merely abandon Lebanon’s Christians. It helped create the intellectual and diplomatic climate in which their weakening became acceptable, even fashionable. It mistook self-righteousness for wisdom, sentiment for policy, and managed decline for peace. Now the same powers look at Lebanon and wonder what went wrong. Nothing mysterious went wrong. A people was left alone too many times. A country was asked to survive without a spine. And the last of the Mohicans were told that history had moved on.