Sabitlenmiş Tweet
Mr Mike
5.3K posts

Mr Mike
@MichaelOmodara3
Right Activist, Pragmatist and an Advocate of Good Governance. Obedient is better than sacrifice. I'm an Obedient to the core.
Federal Capital Territory, Nig Katılım Haziran 2019
1.2K Takip Edilen360 Takipçiler
Mr Mike retweetledi

This Atiku/Obi ticket is the surest way to ensure Tinubu will win by 11:45am on election day. This is a ticket that has been tested already and failed, in 2019, when it was the turn of the north.
Now that power is down south, the best opposition pairing that stands a chance is an Obi/Kwakwanso or Obi/Tambuwal, or any other southern heavyweight.
I expect people to cry under this post as always. But again, even Tinubu will celebrate IF the ADC gives the ticket to a northerner.
Abdul-Aziz Na'ibi Abubakar@jrnaib2
If you are in support, comment 'ADC give us Atiku/Obi ticket 2027'.
English
Mr Mike retweetledi
Mr Mike retweetledi

@n6oflife6 Election is early January. Most of us will travel home and hence will not vote. Ohaneze ndi igbo and all town unions in lagos and other states must begin to sensitize our people to plan not going home till after the election.or postpone every travel this December
English
Mr Mike retweetledi

@BashirElRufai @atiku One of the conditions placed before your father to regain his freedom is to use his power to deliver Atiku as ADC presidential candidate or else they will re arrest him and make sure he remains in custody till after the 2027 election.
English

I never thought these following words would ever come from me but I do trust @atiku. I believe he actually means well. Especially this time. Stakes are too high.
English
Mr Mike retweetledi
Mr Mike retweetledi

When we were growing up, we made plans with our friends. We wanted to be successful and we wanted our friends to be successful as well. But the reality is that our clock is different. We would not all be successful and even the ones that are successful, succeed at different times.
The beauty of friendship is that, if one of us succeed, we have a measure of protection to leverage on. I do not know what you people call friendship but a person that want friends must show himself friendly, and there are friends closer than a brother.
This idea of making it and suddenly blacklisting the people you used to call friends, is insane. If they were not good people, you would have cut them off before you made it. The only person changing here is you.
It would be a shame if my friends need help and they can't ask me. Why am I in their lives then? What is the point of being friends for 10, 15, 20 years and I can't come through for you. I come through for strangers. Why wouldn't I show up for my own? My friends know me and they trust me. In fact, I'm sure they know that God forbid they die, their kids education and welfare will be sorted as I would my own kids.
Making new friends is good. We connect and expand on the relationships we have as we grow in life. If you keep cutting off the people you used to know as soon as you climb up the ladder, why should the new friends and connections trust you? The higher you climb, the harder it is to trust. That is why people say it is lonely at the top. People are not stupid, they are vetting your character whether you know it or not.
I have friends I made from secondary school. I have close friends from university who are my brothers. I have friends from my time in the UK and we are very close. I've made friends from X whom I am close with. Current relationship does not erase past relationship. Your new friends have other friends. There is nothing happening in your life currently that warrants cutting off your friends just because you're doing better. If you're doing better, you have a responsibility to look after them and be kind to them. Your friends are the only people in this cold world who allow you to be yours and who can call you to order, while still having your back against all odds.
DO BETTER!!!

English
Mr Mike retweetledi

The script has flipped.
No noise. No rush. He is just steady on his movement.
But that his silence is beginning to clear ways in places that matter.
When the quiet man starts acting, the wise pay attention.
Because this is no longer about who speaks the loudest.
It is about who is positioning better.
You may not see it on the surface.
But something has shifted.
And once the balance changes in a game like this, it rarely goes back the same way.

English
Mr Mike retweetledi

Observation!!!
Whenever anyone does a tweet persuading Atiku Abubakar to step aside for Obi, or projecting obi as the best candidate with the best political clout and opportunity to dislodged Tinubu from AsoRock in 2027, or calls on the leadership of the coalition to do the right and honourable thing, his or her comment section will be flooded by APC and Tinubu supporters bantering you with curses and insults over Atiku. They will be insisting that Atiku should go for the ticket, that he shouldn't step down for obi or anyone. They will be daring Peter Obi to go into the coalition primary contest with Atiku. What is really their interest in all of these?
Well their mission fron their APC WhatsApp gtoup is simple. To do everything possible so Obi must be denied the presidential ticket of the coalition, by inciting Atiku and his camp to go for it.
They are also teasing Obi to go for the coalition primaries, so if the ticket is denied him, it will be over for him in 2027. Because by the new electoral act, he can not decamp into any other party to contest for primaries again, if he had contested in the coalition primaries. That will automatically take him out of the 2027 presidential race. It will be Tinubu's answered prayer that he will celebrate for long. Because his biggest nightmare is gone even before the contest. Over there in Tinubu's camp, they know Obi will never settle for anything less than a presidential ticket. That if he is intentionally or foolishly denied the pressure ticket of the coalition, and can not get any ticket from another party, his supporters will automatically handsoff from the 2027 election. They will never show interest in the election, and will not come out to vote. He Tinubu will milk that privilege, and take it as his god given advantage to win for a second time at a platter.
Coalition leaders, be wise. A stitch in time saves nine.
Meanwhile his Excellency Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, i join my voice with that of millions of Nigerians to persuade you to listen to the voice of reason and do the right and honourable thing.
You will forever remain a statesman, a leader and a father figure to this nation if you give your blessings to Obi/Kwankwaso, to rescue this nation from Tinubu. We don't want the coalition movement to be derailed or fragmented at this moment. History and posterity will be kind to you.
From a concerned citizen yarning for true change, PIDOM.
English

@Tony_Ogbuagu But Inec office used to be around waterline nah, except they have relocated from there.
Anyone in PH should help verify this claim.
English
Mr Mike retweetledi
Mr Mike retweetledi
Mr Mike retweetledi

The Islamic imam who put 1million naira to any Muslim that can behead a pastor for preaching Jesus has said:
“…whoever carries out this job (of beheading the pastor), I swear to Allah I’ll give him one million naira. We have nothing to lose even if after beheading this pastor, the Arewa plunges into chaos, we have nothing to lose…”
Dear @OfficialDSSNG @PoliceNG
We know you will pretend not to see this. But we are bringing this to your attention again.
There are Muslim clerics in northern Nigeria who are openly calling for the beheading of Christian pastors.
Pls help retweet this for the world to see.
English
Mr Mike retweetledi

AN OPEN LETTER TO PETER OBI — A WORD FROM A SON OF NIGERIA
On Power, Courage, and the Unfinished Business of a Nation
Kio Amachree | President, Worldview International · Stockholm | April 2026
Dear Mr. Peter Obi,
I owe you a confession before I offer you counsel. In the last presidential election, I supported you. Not casually — I believed in you. I watched you speak in Atlanta, and what I saw was something Nigeria has rarely produced: a man who sounded like he had actually read the brief, who understood the gravity of the office he was seeking, and who spoke to Nigerians not as subjects to be managed but as citizens deserving of respect. I was moved. I was persuaded. And I trusted a process that, as I now understand more completely than ever, was never designed to be trusted.
I looked across at Bola Ahmed Tinubu — a man who, in the most charitable interpretation of his observable condition, appeared to be fighting a daily battle simply to remain upright and coherent — and I made the mistake of assuming that what was obvious to my eyes would be obvious to the outcome. I did not account sufficiently for the depth of the organised criminality arrayed against the Nigerian people. I did not account for the degree to which the machinery of power in that country has been engineered not to reflect the will of the citizenry but to override it. I switched off in disgust. I am ashamed to admit it, but I did. For a moment, I despaired.
What reactivated me was not optimism. It was fury — and the particular fury of a man who was raised to believe that silence in the face of injustice is its own form of complicity. My father, Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC — Nigeria’s first Solicitor-General, Under-Secretary-General of the United Nations, General Gowon’s personal envoy to Washington during the Civil War, one of the architects of Rivers State — was not a gentle man. He was rigorous. He was demanding. He was, at times, difficult to love. But he built into me something I could not switch off even when I wanted to: the sense that Nigeria is not merely a country one happens to have been born into. It is a responsibility. It is a debt owed to those who came before and those who will come after.
My grandfather, Chief Sekin Amachree, sat at the 1958 Constitutional Conference and the Willink Commission. These men shaped Nigeria before it was even Nigeria. I am their reflection — and as any man who has stood before a mirror knows, a reflection does not always like what it sees. But it cannot look away.
Now I come to you with what I hope you will receive in the spirit in which it is offered: not as flattery, not as political alignment, but as the hard, frank counsel of one educated man to another. I was educated at Eton College — not the softened, therapeutic Eton of today, but the Eton that broke you down and rebuilt you; the Eton that fed you deliberately terrible food so that you would learn to endure discomfort without complaint; the Eton that placed you among the sons of dukes and diplomats and expected you to hold your own. The school that in its long and morally complicated history produced twenty-four British Prime Ministers — including, most recently, Boris Johnson and David Cameron.
I mention those two men for a reason, Peter, and I need you to listen carefully because there is a lesson in them for you. Boris Johnson — the blond, blundering, self-consciously bumbling figure that the British public came to love and loathe in equal measure — is not what he appears. That persona is a construction, polished over years at Eton, refined at Oxford, deployed with extraordinary precision.
Johnson’s great-great-grandfather was a Turkish journalist named Ali Kemal, a man of dark complexion and Muslim faith who was so critical of the Atatürk revolution that he was killed by a mob and his body dragged through the streets of Istanbul. His family fled to England during the First World War — on the wrong side of the conflict, since the Ottomans had fought with the Axis against Britain — and his widow, terrified of persecution, changed the family name to Johnson. A safe, plain, English name. Over generations, the Turkish identity dissolved. The grandson of that terrified widow became the Foreign Secretary and then the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom.
I am not telling you this to diminish Johnson. I am telling you this because it is the greatest lesson Eton teaches, though it never states it plainly: the surface is a weapon. The carefully constructed persona — the apparent bumbling, the Latin quotations, the self-deprecating humour — was armour and ammunition simultaneously. While his opponents were laughing at him, he was outmanoeuvring them. David Cameron, by contrast, came from genuine money and genuine breeding. He had no need to construct anything. He was charming, handsome, instinctively confident, loved his Bob Marley, smoked his weed at school, was caught — and was not expelled, because Eton looked at him and saw a future Prime Minister, which is precisely what he became. Two very different men. Both utterly ruthless. Both winners.
The lesson I am drawing for you is this: you must stop campaigning like a man who is trying not to offend anyone, and start campaigning like a man who intends to win. Nigeria in 2027 is not a debating competition. It is a knife fight. And a knife fight is not won by the man who is most correct — it is won by the man who is most prepared to use what is in his hand.
Let me now speak plainly about Bola Ahmed Tinubu, because plainness is what this moment demands. In my considered assessment — and I do not use such language lightly — Tinubu represents the most comprehensively corrupt political figure to have occupied the highest office in Nigeria’s troubled history. That is not rhetoric. That is a conclusion drawn from evidence that is now, in significant part, part of the public international record.
There is the matter of the United States federal narcotics investigation — the case that cost him his forfeited funds in Chicago and that lies at the core of the FBI and DEA files that a United States federal court, under Judge Beryl Howell, has ordered released. Those files, due by June of this year, may well constitute the most consequential document release in the history of Nigerian political accountability. The man currently sitting in Aso Rock has a documented relationship with American federal law enforcement that has never been honestly reckoned with by the Nigerian political establishment or the Nigerian press.
And then there is Gilbert Chagoury. Let us be precise: Chagoury is a man convicted in Switzerland of money laundering and reported by American intelligence as having financed Hezbollah. He is also the man to whom Tinubu’s administration has directed billions of dollars in no-tender infrastructure contracts — including the controversial Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway — without competitive bid, without transparency, without the basic procedural safeguards that any functioning government owes its people. The relationship between Tinubu and Chagoury is not incidental. It is structural. It is the architecture of how power and money move in this administration.
And then there is the son. Seyi Tinubu. A young man installed on corporate boards, positioned as a conduit for the family’s accumulation of influence, presented to the public through the cynical theatre of rice distributions to the poor while billions are being distributed to the connected. He is not a peripheral figure. He is the succession plan. He is also, for your purposes, the most humanly comprehensible point of attack — because nothing angers ordinary Nigerians more than watching a president’s son live like a king while they cannot afford to eat.
Peter, here is my direct counsel to you. Stop being careful. The time for careful has passed. These are not normal political adversaries operating within a normal political system. These are people who have weaponised the state, corrupted the judiciary, terrified the press, and enriched themselves beyond any defensible measure while the Nigerian naira has collapsed and ordinary families have been reduced to desperate improvisation simply to survive. You are not going to defeat them by being measured. You are going to defeat them by being relentless.
Make the Chagoury contracts the centrepiece of your campaign. Demand accountability for every naira. Make Nigerians understand not just that money has been stolen — they already know money has been stolen, they have always known — but where it has gone, into whose hands, and at whose instruction. Make the connection between the billions flowing to Chagoury’s companies and the intelligence reports linking Chagoury’s network to Hezbollah financing. Ask the question publicly and loudly: are Nigerian state funds being used to finance terrorism? Ask it until you get an answer.
I write this from Stockholm. I cannot vote. I cannot march. I am a Swedish citizen of Ijaw and Niger Delta royal lineage, a diaspora voice, a man who has slept in palaces and on floors and worked on Wall Street and in the City of London and in the Nigerian National Assembly and in the boiling heart of African civic struggle. I have no party. I have no financial interest. What I have is a name, a history, and a conscience that my father — for all his severity — programmed to be incapable of looking away.
I pray that the United States releases those FBI and DEA files on schedule. I pray that the Central Intelligence Agency, which has long maintained its own complex relationship with Tinubu, makes the calculation that he has become more liability than asset — particularly as the Chagoury-Hezbollah nexus moves from allegation toward documented fact in international law enforcement circles. These are not fantasies. These are live proceedings in active jurisdictions.
Nigeria does not need saving — that framing is too passive, and it places too much burden on a single individual. Nigeria needs someone willing to fight for it with the same ferocity that those who have looted it have fought to keep it. My grandfather helped write the terms of this nation’s existence. My father spent his life in its service. I have spent mine trying to honour them both while finding my own voice in a world that did not always make room for it easily.
I am offering you that voice. The counsel of an Old Etonian who was taught not how to be a gentleman — though that too — but how empires are built, how power actually functions, and why the most dangerous man in any room is often the one who appears least threatening. I am offering you the analytical framework of a man who has studied Nigerian politics from the inside and from the outside, who understands the diaspora, who understands the international legal architecture that can be brought to bear, and who believes, despite everything, that this fight is still winnable.
Go for the jugular, Peter. Do it with evidence. Do it with precision. Do it with the controlled fury of a man who has genuinely reckoned with what is at stake. Cast away the niceties — they have cost you enough already.
Nigeria is watching. The diaspora is watching. And the dead — among them the men whose names I carry — are watching too.
I wish you strength, clarity, and the wisdom to know that in this particular fight, mercy extended to the wrong people is simply cruelty extended to the right ones.
Go well. And go hard.
Kio Amachree
President, Worldview International
Stockholm, Kingdom of Sweden
Son of Chief Godfrey Kio Jaja Amachree QC, Nigeria’s First Solicitor-General

English
Mr Mike retweetledi

"What would Peter Obi do differently?"
"I don't support APC, but Peter Obi is not the messiah you think he is."
"Peter Obi should have gone to start his own party instead of joining the like of Dino and Malami."
"I supported Peter Obi in the last election but I don't think he can win."
"Election result has already been written."
"All politicians are the same."
Don't let them distract you oh. When an incumbent is running, the only question that matters is:
"Is your life better today than it was 3 years ago?"
English














