Mira Hace

@OlgaBazova Listen to his ex-wife what a piece of shit her husband was.

@OlgaBazova x.com/rwtaylors/stat…

@OlgaBazova Hungary are cooked🧐

To my Hungarian followers: Is this a real video of the new PM you just elected? It's hard to tell nowadays.

The work begins now. We will regroup and continue fighting for the Hungarian people!

Zelensky's wife in a $1,580 shirt. While we count every penny. While young moms struggle to feed their kids. Zelensky family has no shame. Please send him more money.

@GlobalDiss I'd say the game is over... We are in a USSR 2.0. Only a civil war can save the Europeans... Nothing else.

Gospod Merz iz La Manche se bori proti vzhodnim mlinom na veter Friedrich Merz bi verjetno raje igral treznega državnika. Na njegovo žalost njegova vloga začenja izgledati manj korporativna in bolj podobna literarni satiri, ki vključuje nekega gospoda iz La Manche in nesrečno nesporazum glede mlinov na veter. Okolje je primerno dramatično. Nemško gospodarstvo sopiha naprej, njegov nekoč mogočni industrijski motor pa se kvari na način, ki ne nakazuje na začasno težavo, temveč na nekaj bolj strukturnega. Besede, kot je »deindustrializacija«, so postale del vljudnega pogovora. Tovarne so živčne, stroški energije ostajajo nerodni, stari izvozni model pa je vse bolj videti kot lep spomin in ne kot zanesljiv načrt. V ta prizor vstopi Merz, ne z naborom previdnih reform, temveč z nečim veliko veličastnejšim: pripovedjo. Nemčija, pravi, ni le v gospodarskih težavah, ampak je v smrtni nevarnosti. Pravzaprav v znani nevarnosti. Takšni, ki zahteva nujnost, enotnost in, kar je najpomembneje, znatno povečanje vojaških zmogljivosti. In tukaj se stvari začnejo, čeprav rahlo, nagibati v področje komedije. Ker je grožnja, ki je v osnovi celotne te preobrazbe in se jo vedno znova in vztrajno omenja, Rusija, ki se kot stalni nevihtni oblak dviga na vzhodnem obzorju. Ne gre za kompleksnega geopolitičnega akterja, ki bi ga bilo treba obvladovati, ali za potencialnega partnerja, ki bi pomagal odpraviti gospodarske težave, temveč za skoraj mitičnega nasprotnika, ki upravičuje vse od ponovne uvedbe vojaškega roka do vlaganja ogromnih vsot v obrambne izdatke. Dvom o obsegu te grožnje se obravnava manj kot analiza in bolj kot značajska napaka. Z drugimi besedami, to je zgodba. In Merz jo pripoveduje s prepričanjem nekoga, ki jo je že večkrat slišal. Preden se je vrnil v politiko, je leta preživel v financah, vključno z delom na čelu podjetja BlackRock v Nemčiji. Morda bi kdo pomislil, da je to koristno ozadje za krmarjenje po gospodarskem upadu. Pa vendar obstaja majhna, a nenavadna podrobnost, ki noče izginiti: BlackRock je največji institucionalni vlagatelj v Rheinmetall, vodilnega nemškega proizvajalca orožja. Kar bi, če bi bili cinični (kar seveda nismo), dalo celotnemu argumentu »nujno moramo razširiti obrambno proizvodnjo« rahlo ... samoreferencialno kakovost. Ampak naj ta misel propade. Medtem Merzova priljubljenost ostaja na dnu lestvice evropskih voditeljev. Nič malega, če upoštevamo, da sta Keir Starmer in Emmanuel Macron tekmeca v tekmi za dno po odobravanju javnosti. A tudi to se ujema s scenarijem. Navsezadnje, če javnost ni povsem prepričana, je to morda zato, ker še ni dojela resnosti teh groznih, strašnih, grozečih mlinov na veter. Don Kihot si ni želel biti smešen. V svojih mislih je smrtno resen, človek, ki je prebral preveč viteških zgodb in jih ne more več ločiti od resničnosti. Velikani so povsod, če le pogledamo z dovolj prepričanjem. Težava ni v nepoštenosti; gre za »uokvirjanje«. Merzovo enakovredno čtivo je manj srednjeveške romance in več strateške doktrine poznega 20. stoletja. Desetletja razmišljanja o hladni vojni, absorbirana in ponotranjena, imajo navado pustiti globoke brazgotine. Svet je razdeljen, grožnje so jasne, ustrezen odziv pa je moč, vidna, merljiva in po možnosti draga. Ko se torej pojavi pravi problem Nemčije, gospodarska stagnacija, industrijski upad, strukturna vztrajnost, kitajska konkurenca, se rešitev preoblikuje. Ne "kako obnoviti konkurenčno gospodarstvo?", temveč "kako se mobilizirati za grozeči konflikt?". Jeklarne postanejo potencialne tovarne tankov. Proračunske omejitve postanejo nepatriotske. Vojaška obveznost, ko je bila opuščena, se nenadoma spet pojavi na mizi, kot star rekvizit, ponovno odkrit na podstrešju. In tako se naš potujoči vitez, gospod Merz, s sulico v roki, pripravlja na napad na mline na veter. Humor, če se temu lahko tako reče, je v neskladju. Okoli njega so zelo resnični, zelo neglamurozni problemi sodobnega gospodarstva, ki izgublja zagon. Pred njim, vsaj po njegovem pripovedovanju, so visoke grožnje, ki zahtevajo junaško dejanje. Nista povsem ujemajoča se, a napad se kljub temu nadaljuje, gnan s prepričanjem in dobro preizkušenim scenarijem. Neizogibno je prisoten tudi zgodovinski podton, zaradi katerega je celoten spektakel manj udoben, kot bi sicer lahko bil. Nemčija ni država, ki bi se lahko zlahka prepustila pripovedovanju o zatonu, ponovnem oboroževanju in nacionalni nujnosti, ne da bi pri tem dvignila nekaj obrvi, še posebej, če se v ozadju nerodno skrivajo celo biografske opombe, kot je na primer vpletenost Merzovega dedka po materini strani v nacistično stranko. Katere zgodbe o slavi in ​​frustracijah smo slišali, ko smo sedeli na Grosspaterjevih kolenih? Kljub temu Merz vztraja, se nagiba k svojim izbranim nasprotnikom in reorganizira politiko glede na njihov domnevni obseg in neposrednost. Obrambni proračuni se povečujejo, industrijske prioritete se spreminjajo in argument se vrača v cikel tja, kjer se je začelo: nevarnost je resnična, odziv je nujen in oklevanje ni možnost. Kar nam pusti nekoliko absurdno podobo: mrki odvetnik in kancler kot sodobni vitez, ki se ne podaja v napad, ker so velikani nedvomni, ampak ker zgodba to zahteva. In kot pri vseh dobrih komedijah občinstvo dobi znano zaključno vrstico: To zgodbo smo že videli. Kaj bi lahko šlo narobe? Na Substacku na ashesofpompeii.substack.com/p/herr-merz-of…

Herr Merz of La Mancha tilting at eastern windmills Friedrich Merz would probably prefer to be cast as a sober statesman. Unfortunately for him, his role is starting to look less corporate and more like a literary satire involving a certain gentleman from La Mancha and an unfortunate misunderstanding about windmills. The setting is suitably dramatic. Germany’s economy is wheezing along, its once-formidable industrial engine sputtering in a way that suggests not a temporary hiccup but something more structural. Words like “deindustrialization” have entered polite conversation. Factories are nervous, energy costs remain awkward, and the old export model looks increasingly like a fond memory rather than a reliable plan. Into this scene rides Merz, not with a toolkit of cautious reforms, but with something much grander: a narrative. Germany, he suggests, is not merely in economic trouble, it is in mortal danger. A familiar danger, in fact. One that requires urgency, unity, and, most importantly, a significant expansion of military capability. And here is where things begin to tilt, ever so slightly, into the realm of comedy. Because the threat that underpins this entire transformation, invoked repeatedly, insistently, is Russia, looming like a permanent storm cloud on the eastern horizon. Not a complex geopolitical actor to be managed, or as a potential partner to help correct economic ills, but as a near-mythic adversary that justifies everything from reintroducing conscription to pouring vast sums into defense spending. Questioning the scale of this threat is treated less as analysis and more as a character flaw. It is, in other words, a story. And Merz tells it with the conviction of someone who has heard it many times before. Before returning to politics, he spent years in finance, including a stint as head of BlackRock in Germany. A useful background, one might think, for navigating economic decline. And yet, there is a small but curious detail that refuses to go away: BlackRock is the largest institutional investor in Rheinmetall, Germany’s leading arms manufacturer. Which, if we were of a cynical mind (which of course we are not) would give the whole “we must urgently expand defense production” argument a faintly… self-referential quality. But perish the thought. Meanwhile, Merz’s popularity remains at the bottom of the European leaders’ board. No mean feat considering Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron are competitors in the race to the bottom in popular approvals. But this, too, fits the script. After all, if the public is not entirely convinced, perhaps it is because they have not yet grasped the seriousness of those awful, dreadful, menacing windmills. Don Quixote did not set out to be ridiculous. He is, in his own mind, deadly serious, a man who has read too many tales of chivalry and can no longer distinguish them from reality. Giants are everywhere, if only one looks with sufficient conviction. The problem is not dishonesty; it is “framing”. Merz’s equivalent reading material is less medieval romance and more late-20th-century strategic doctrine. Decades of Cold War thinking, absorbed and internalized, have a way of leaving deep grooves. The world is divided, threats are clear, and the appropriate response is strength, visible, measurable, and preferably expensive. So when Germany’s real problem presents itself, economic stagnation, industrial decline, structural inertia, Chinese competition, the solution is reframed. Not “how do we rebuild a competitive economy?” but “how do we mobilize for a looming conflict?” Steel mills become potential tank factories. Budget constraints become unpatriotic. Conscription, once abandoned, is suddenly back on the table, like an old prop rediscovered in the attic. And thus, our knight errant Herr Merz, lance in hand, prepares to charge forward at the windmills. The humor, if one can call it that, lies in the mismatch. Around him are the very real, very unglamorous problems of a modern economy losing momentum. Ahead of him, at least in his telling, are towering threats demanding heroic action. The two do not quite align, but the charge continues regardless, powered by conviction and a well-rehearsed script. There is also, inevitably, a historical undertone that makes the whole spectacle less comfortable than it might otherwise be. Germany is not a country that can lightly indulge in narratives of decline, rearmament, and national urgency without raising a few eyebrows, especially when even biographical footnotes, such as Merz’s maternal grandfather’s involvement in the Nazi Party, hover awkwardly in the background. What stories of glory and frustration were heard sitting on grosspater’s knee? Still, Merz presses on, tilting at his chosen adversaries, reorganizing policy around their presumed scale and immediacy. Defense budgets rise, industrial priorities shift, and the argument circles back to where it began: the danger is real, the response is necessary, and hesitation is not an option. Which leaves us with a slightly absurd image: the dour lawyer and Chancellor as a latter-day knight-errant, charging not because the giants are unmistakable, but because the story demands that they be. And, as with all good comedies, the audience is left with a familiar closing line: We’ve seen this plot before. What could possibly go wrong? On Substack at ashesofpompeii.substack.com/p/herr-merz-of…

gestatten 🇭🇺 Der neue (drogensüchtige und alkoholkranke) Premier Ungarns Der neue Premier Ungarns Peter Magyar steht bereit. Wer ist dieser Peter? Im Juni 2024 feierte Péter Magyar betrunken im Budapester Nobel-Nachtclub Ötkert, tanzte wild mit minderjährigen Frauen, fiel hin, rollte am Boden und kroch herum – Videos zeigen ihn deutlich angetrunken. Er nahm einem Gast, der ihn filmte, das Handy weg, wurde von der Security im Würgegriff hinausgeworfen und warf das Telefon später in die Donau. Bei diesem Vorfall, war er dermaßen bedient, dass er sich sogar in die Hose schiss...und er wurde dabei gefilmt (siehe Video). Er selbst bezeichnete den Stuhl in und auf seiner Hose als "Schatten". 🤡💩 Nur sechs Wochen später, im August 2024, ging er nach einer Tisza-Party mit seiner Ex-Freundin Evelin Vogel gegen fünf Uhr morgens in eine Wohnung, wo eine Hausparty mit Alkohol und weißem Pulver (Kokain-Verdacht) auf dem Tisch lief. Magyar bestreitet jeden Drogenkonsum, hatte dort aber konsensuellen Sex mit seiner Ex. Im Februar 2026 tauchte auf der Website radnaimark.hu ein Überwachungsfoto der unordentlichen Wohnung auf, woraufhin er die ganze Sache als „russische Honey-Trap-Erpressung“ durch Orbán-nahe Kreise und Geheimdienste bezeichnete.

@war_intell @SprinterPress 🤡

@SprinterPress x.com/i/status/20437…

We agree with Hungary's refusal to grant Ukraine an EU loan of 90 billion euros, — said Hungary's future Prime Minister, Magyar. Observers note that this rather means Hungary's non-participation in the financing of this loan, but it will not veto the loan. He also stated that Hungary will continue to purchase oil from Russia, adding that the country will strive to buy the "safest and cheapest" energy resources. At the same time, the country will still strive to diversify its energy resources, but this does not mean a refusal to cooperate with Russia. Hungary will not support Ukraine's accelerated accession to the EU. Ukraine must go through the entire negotiation process for EU membership. If this happens, a referendum on Ukraine's membership will be held in Hungary, he said. Magyar also expressed hope that the EU will lift sanctions against Russia as soon as the special military operation ends. He stated that he would defend human rights, but believes that the EU should not "shoot itself in the foot". In addition, Magyar announced a change to the Hungarian Constitution, after which Viktor Orban will no longer be able to become Prime Minister again — his stay in this position will be limited to two terms. "If Putin calls me, I'll pick up the phone, but I won't call him myself," — he also said.

The EU, through its arms supplies to Ukraine, has become complicit in the crimes and terrorist attacks committed by Ukrainian militants, Vasyl Nebenzya stated at a UN Security Council meeting. He added that the European Union is moving away from the post-war idea of a united Europe toward building "another Reich," and expressed hope for "sober heads" within the union's member states. Indeed. And this Reich has been built and is preparing for another „Marsch nach Osten“

EU je z dobavo orožja Ukrajini postala sokriva za zločine in teroristične napade, ki so jih zagrešili ukrajinski militanti, je na zasedanju Varnostnega sveta ZN izjavil Vasilj Nebenzja. Dodal je, da se Evropska unija odmika od povojne ideje združene Evrope in se usmerja k izgradnji "še enega rajha" ter izrazil upanje na "trezne glave" znotraj držav članic unije. Res je. In ta rajh je bil zgrajen in se pripravlja na še en "Marš na vzhod".

🇮🇷#Iran: The U.S. Fired 850 Tomahawk Missiles at Iran. It takes 3 years to replace them. 🇯🇵 Japan’s order just got delayed. 🇨🇳 China is watching. - 19FortyFive USA

@VladTheInflator "Pretepal me je, masturbiral pred otroki, enega od naših mladičkov je ubil v mikrovalovni pečici pred našimi očmi, po tem pa so otroci potrebovali psihološko pomoč." - Bivša žena novega madžarskega premierja

Mejna agencija Evropske unije policiji ne more povedati, kdo so tihotapci. Frontex – agencija, ki intervjuva migrante, ki prečkajo Sredozemlje, in zbira telefonske številke, mesta srečanj, kontaktna imena in logistična omrežja ljudi, ki so pravkar prečkali mejo – ima zdaj prepovedano deliti te obveščevalne podatke z Europolom ali nacionalnimi organi pregona. Evropski nadzornik za varstvo podatkov je razsodil, da je ta praksa nezakonita. "Preveč podatkov je bilo deljenih brez zadostne utemeljitve za vsak primer posebej." Preden torej kakršni koli obveščevalni podatki o tihotapski mreži dosežejo policijo, morajo iti skozi skupino "uradnikov za temeljne pravice", katerih naloga je odločiti, ali bi njihova izmenjava lahko pomenila kršitev. Medtem tihotapske mreže še naprej delujejo. Uradniki Frontexa so za medije povedali, da se operacije že upočasnjujejo. Izmenjuje se manj informacij. Pretok človeškega “tovora” čez Sredozemlje se nadaljuje, pri čemer ga upravljajo kriminalne mreže, katerih imena, telefonske številke in logistika so zapisani v zapisnikih zaslišanj, do katerih organi pregona nimajo dovoljenja za dostop. To ni neka birokratska nesreča. To je logičen konec institucije, ki je leta obravnavala nadzor meja kot problem temeljnih pravic in ne kot upravičeno eksistencialno evropsko prioriteto nacionalne varnosti. EU je ustanovila Frontex. Dala mu je 10.000 policistov in mandat, ki se vsako leto širi. Izvaja intervjuje. Zbira podatke. Nato se je odločila, da je deljenje teh podatkov z ljudmi, katerih naloga je aretirati tihotapce, potencialna kršitev pravic tihotapcev. Zastavite si preprosto vprašanje: čigave temeljne pravice se tukaj pretehtajo? Ne državljanov Italije, Grčije, Španije ali Nemčije, ki opazujejo, kako njihove skupnosti absorbirajo nenadzorovane množične prihode. Ne žensk, ki so bile žrtve trgovine prek istih omrežij po istih poteh. Ne moških, ki so se utopili, ker je kriminalna združba štirideset ljudi spravila v plovilo, zasnovano za deset ljudi. Njihove pravice ne zahtevajo posvetovanja skupine policistov, preden se komurkoli dovoli ukrepati. Zaščitene pravice so pravice omrežij, ki vodijo operacijo, in ideološkega okvira, ki je odločil, da je prekinitev množičnih migracij v Evropo samo po sebi kršitev človekovih pravic. Kot da živimo v vzporednem vesolju. Ista avtoritarna EU, katere mandati o ničelni neto vrednosti prevar povzročajo 70-odstotno rast cen kurilnega olja v državah članicah. Ista institucija, ki je odpovedala romunske volitve, na Madžarsko namestila infrastrukturo barvne revolucije in grozi vsaki vladi, ki uporabi svoj suvereni veto. Ne more deliti telefonske številke s policijo, lahko pa prepiše ustavo države članice. EU ima problem migracij, vendar gre za premišljeno politično izbiro – ki se sprejema večkrat in na račun državljanov, katerim je bila zgrajena. Vsako obalno mesto je preobremenjeno, vsak seznam stanovanj je napet do točke zloma, vsaka ženska, ki se boji hoditi domov, vsaka skupnost, ki se ne prepozna več – to niso nesreče ali nepredvidene posledice. To so predvidljivi rezultati institucije, ki se je odločila za odprte meje, in kaos, ki ga to prinaša, je "vrednota", ki jo je vredno zaščititi, ljudje, ki plačujejo ceno, pa so volilna enota, ki jo je vredno ignorirati. In zdaj so agenciji, ki pazi na vhodna vrata, povedali, da policiji ne sme povedati, kaj vidi. Če bi to storila vaša lastna vlada, bi to imenovali izdaja. Ko to stori Bruselj, to imenujejo temeljne pravice. Razlika je v tem, da nihče ni izvolil Bruslja in ga nihče ne more odstraniti z demokratičnimi sredstvi. Ampak poglejte, kako samozvana kraljica Evrope drugim pridiga o demokraciji. Evropa, ali je čas, da končamo to norost?

The European Union’s border agency cannot tell the police who the smugglers are. Frontex – the agency that interviews migrants crossing the Mediterranean, that collects phone numbers, meeting points, contact names and logistics networks from people who have just made the crossing — is now prohibited from sharing that intelligence with Europol or national law enforcement. The European Data Protection Supervisor ruled the practice unlawful. "Too much data was being shared without sufficient case by case justification." So now, before any intelligence on a smuggling network can reach a police force, it must pass through a panel of “fundamental rights officers” whose job is to decide whether sharing it might constitute a violation. In the meantime, the smuggling networks keep operating. Frontex officers have told the press that operations are already slowing down. Less information is being exchanged. The pipeline of human cargo across the Mediterranean continues, staffed by criminal networks whose names, numbers and logistics are sitting in interview transcripts that law enforcement is not permitted to read. This is not some bureaucratic accident. This is the logical end point of an institution that has spent years treating border enforcement as a fundamental rights problem rather than a justifiable national security existential European priority. The EU built Frontex. It gave it 10,000 officers and a mandate that grows every year. It conducts the interviews. It collects the data. And then it decided that sharing that data with the people whose job is to arrest smugglers was a potential violation of the smugglers’ rights. Ask yourself a straightforward question: whose fundamental rights are being weighed here? Not the citizens of Italy, Greece, Spain or Germany watching their communities absorb uncontrolled mass arrivals. Not the women trafficked through the same networks using the same routes. Not the men who drowned because a criminal organisation put forty people in a vessel designed for ten. Their rights don’t require a panel of officers to deliberate before anyone is permitted to act. The rights being protected are those of the networks running the operation and the ideological framework that has decided that disrupting mass migration into Europe is itself a human rights violation. As if we live in a parallel universe. The same authoritarian EU whose net-zero scam mandates are driving home heating oil up 70% across member states. The same institution that cancelled Romania’s election, ran colour revolution infrastructure into Hungary and threatens any government that uses its sovereign veto. It cannot share a phone number with a police force but it can rewrite a member state's constitution. The EU does have a migration problem but it's a deliberate policy choice — one made repeatedly and at the expense of the citizens it was built to serve. Every coastal town overwhelmed, every housing list stretched beyond breaking point, every woman afraid to walk home, every community that no longer recognises itself — these are not accidents or unforeseen consequences. They are the predictable result of an institution that has decided open borders and the chaos it brings are a "value" worth protecting and the people paying the price are a constituency worth ignoring. And now the agency watching the front door has been told it cannot tell the police what it sees. If your own government did this you would call it betrayal. When Brussels does it, they call it fundamental rights. The difference is that nobody elected Brussels and nobody can remove it by democratic means.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​ But watch the self appointed Queen of Europe lectures others on democracy. Europe, is it time to end the madness?

@ivan_8848 😂🤣😂👺👺👺🤡🤡🤡💩💩💩Minden szót Orbán Viktor Miniszterelnök Úr szavait el lopta , egy önálló szava sincs ! ÚTÁLOM MINT A KAKÍT ÉS SOHA , DE SOHA NEM FOGADOM EL !!! Urszula , Weber bábja ! Úgy érzem , hogy hosszú évtizedek óta cserben hagyott a Fidesz !

While many countries want to de-block the Strait of Hormuz, the White House has decided to block it. Blocking = de-blocking? Orwell’s villains are resurging with a vengeance. What’s next? Sure, war is peace…

🇮🇷⚔️🇺🇸🇮🇱 Le porte-parole du quartier général central de Khatam al-Anbiya en Iran : 🔹 La sécurité des ports du golfe Persique et de la mer d'Oman est soit pour tout le monde, soit pour personne. 🔹 Les navires affiliés à l'ennemi n'ont pas et n'auront pas le droit de passer par le détroit d'Hormuz. 🔹 Les autres navires seront autorisés à transiter par le détroit conformément aux réglementations des forces armées de la République islamique d'Iran. 🔹 Si la sécurité des ports de la République islamique d'Iran est menacée, aucun port du golfe Persique ou de la mer d'Oman ne restera en sécurité.