Tamil Guerilla 📕 ☭

IT IS A KFIR ( 2007 ) The documentary explores how the Sri Lankan state used Israeli Kfir jets for airstrikes, terrorizing Tamil children, targeting schools, and devastating civilian life in Tamil regions.

@pairbondai @ArunAnnow antonbalasingham.com marxists.org/subject/tamil-…

@StudentofTE @ArunAnnow I have been searching but unable to find these writings, are they available anywhere online?

Whether Sinhalese nationalism had an elite genesis is irrelevant when it is deeply embedded in Sinhalese and Sri Lankan society, and is a very important aspect of modern Sinhalese identity and political policy. Your ideas have already been tried by Tamils, only for them to be backstabbed by that impoverished working class.

@StudentofTE @ArunAnnow I'm not trying to whitewash the actions of the state, I think those responsible for the oppression of Tamils should be severely punished. My point is just that Sinhala nationalism itself had an elite genesis and has been used as a tool by the Sinhalese bourgeiosie and is

The same oppressed Sinhalese working class was actively participating in the butchering of the Tamil working class for decades, while also benefiting from settler colonialism in Tamil areas, similar to Jewish settlers in Palestine. Class solidarity is not possible when national oppression is the primary contradiction. This is basic Marxism 101. Tamil militant groups that tried to work with them were betrayed, and even moderate Tamil leadership faced the same outcome. The LTTE wrote extensively about how class solidarity was not possible under those conditions, and that hasn’t changed.

@StudentofTE @ArunAnnow is home to an impoverished and oppressed Sinhalese working class that is, unlike the Jewish population in Palestine, a natural ally of the oppressed minorities because its gains nothing from their subjugation and shares the same common enemy in the ruling Sinhalese capitalist

@tj747788 You know what’s so funny about this guy? He can’t really debate, despite boasting about his degree in political science. He already has five or six pre-written pieces that he just copy-pastes instead of actually engaging in discussion. Now he calls himself a Tamil nationalist, but he draws the line at federalism. It reminds me of current Tamil politicians who don’t even understand what Tamil nationalism is. Imagine bootlicking the CBK government as a so-called Tamil nationalist—a government that wiped out 20,000 Tamils during her rule, displaced over 500,000, and was responsible for things like the Chemmani mass grave. Also regarding the ceasefire: The LTTE sought a stable and permanent ceasefire, but the Sri Lankan government was only interested in a temporary, non-binding cessation of hostilities. Chandrika Kumaratunga delayed the formation of monitoring committees chaired by international experts, further undermining trust in the process. Meanwhile, Sri Lanka was actively preparing for war, expanding its military, acquiring modern weaponry, and relocating troops toward the east of Palali. Even during the peace talks, Sri Lanka bombed areas such as the Vanni, decapitating LTTE commanders like Lt. Amudan, and refused to hand over his remains to the ICRC. If you had read the letters written by Ratwatte and his associates during the peace talks, you would see their provocations and sarcasm, making it clear that they were never negotiating in good faith. Chandrika not only leaked confidential letters exchanged between her and the LTTE to the public but also involved third parties in the peace process without ever arranging direct meetings with the LTTE or obtaining their consent. Tamil guerrillas faced heavy restrictions, particularly in the Eastern Province, where military authorities imposed rigid control over the security situation and even executed unarmed cadres. Mr. Balapatabendi specifically asked Mr. Tamilselvan to document his concerns and suggestions regarding the East. Yet, when Tamilselvan responded with a letter, Balapatabendi accused the LTTE of making new demands and shifting its stance an obvious attempt to manipulate the narrative. Furthermore, the LTTE requested to meet foreign representatives of the peace committees to provide a first-hand account of the situation on the ground, particularly regarding the Tamil armed struggle. These neutral observers had been invited by both parties in conflict, and proper protocol dictated that they meet with the LTTE leadership before assuming their roles as chairpersons of the monitoring committees. While the Sri Lankan government initially agreed to this, it deliberately delayed the meeting, further exposing its lack of sincerity. Even before the sea battle between the Tigers and the Sri Lankan navy, the military was routinely bombing Tamil areas, causing civilian casualties. Chandrika refused to lift the embargo that banned over 100 essential items, including printing machines, bicycles, fertilizers, shoe polish, and more. If Chandrika could not even control her own military, then she was in no position to bring a just solution to the Tamil people. Sri Lanka not only confiscated the weapons of Tamil guerrillas but also seized their boats, crippling their mobility and resources. You are naive to believe that Chandrika who has made racist remarks and waged a genocidal warwas ever going to bring justice to Tamils. The election of Chandrika was never about achieving a just solution; it was merely about ending the war on the government’s terms. After six months of insincerity and deception by Chandrika and her government, the LTTE had every right to walk away from the peace talks. Anton Balasingham, Sivanayagam, and several other journalists have extensively documented Chandrika’s hardline stance during the peace talks. The facts speak for themselves.

@pitasanna @StudentofTE @ErikSolheim @pathfinderSL @shayehhhh All of that is beside the point cuz LTTE’s approval was not needed to amend the constitution. There just was no unanimous Sinhala consensus which is why even when LTTE was pro peace in 2000 the proposal failed and PA government’s own MPs led by Mahinda opposed it.

A tribute to a man of peace and vision! I have used the weekend to watch Neelan Unsilenced, a wonderful documentary from Sri Lanka 🇱🇰 written and produced by Pitasanna Shanmugathas. It brought back so many memories from the Sri Lankan peace process. The film follows my friend Neelan Thiruchelvam - a Tamil lawyer and politician who against high odds fought to bridge the divide between Singhala and Tamils in Sri Lanka. Neelan worked tirelessly to find constitutional solutions which could unite - and avoid war. He was also a global peacemaker and human rights activist. And a wonderful human being. Sadly he became one of the many victims of the brutal conflict, murdered by a LTTE suicide bomber in 1999. Later Anton Balasingham, the LTTE leader who also worked for peace, said that Neelans constitutional proposals were the best which had been offered. The film is a wonderful introduction to the constitutional issues at the core of the Sri Lankan conflict. You can watch the film for free here: neelanunsilenced.com

These are great! Here is a best-of compilation of you getting owned and ratioed, with others agreeing with me. Never forget when you stated that I used bots when 50 people like my tweets compared to yours, and never forget you defending Chandrika, who was responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of Tamils. x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st… x.com/studentofte/st…

@pitasanna @ErikSolheim @pathfinderSL @shayehhhh Here are some tweets you can look up. They involve insulting women online because they question your political views and telling them to shove it up their ass. It seems that the education you once boasted about couldn’t teach you manners.

@pitasanna @ErikSolheim @pathfinderSL @shayehhhh As a starting point, but not as a final solution, your argument doesn’t make sense when he backtracked on it in his last speech.

Anton Balasingham has also been on record in saying that the proposals Dr. Tiruchelvam helped co-author - the August 3rd 1995 proposals would have been acceptable to Tamils - he said this during the opening of an LTTE bank in Kilinochchi on March 11th 2003 - it was reported in the Jaffna-based Uthayan newspaper.

Sanjee is an open-minded person who is willing to engage in debates openly, and she has changed her opinions and views regarding Tamils and Tamil nationalism. Most importantly, she is honest, she doesn’t make excuses like you do. You literally boasted about how Tamil nationalism is dead and how the NPP is going to change Tamils, and so on. Sit down. Telling people to shove it up their ass is not a good way to speak to a woman.

Your claim was that I write tweets using AI. This tweet you shared has absolutely nothing to do with your claim and certainly wasn't written by AI. I do not insult "women" (plural) this was ONE "woman" - and I sharply criticized her actions, but for good reason, which I clearly write about in the tweet. What Sanjee does is engage in performative acts like making public declarations about how as a Sinhalese person she goes around and directly apologizes to Tamils for what the Sinhalese did - but then, she refuses to criticize the policies of the President AKD like the PSTA and refuses to call on him to pursue constitutional reform or make meaningful progress in returning Tamil land occupied by the military. I am not sure why you are supporting her - because Sanjee is clearly not an ally of yours or an ally for Tamils - she blindly supports President AKD and the NPP despite the fact that they have not fulfilled their promises to Tamils and are pursuing policies that will have a detrimental impact on Tamils. The only reason why you are supporting Sanjee is because you do not like me and so you believe that the enemy of your enemy is your friend.

The same Anton stated that the LTTE would fight for independence if internal self-determination was not granted, and if they would be betrayed again at the negotiating table. He literally said this in a press conference, as well as in his last major speech before he passed away in London. eelam.tv/watch/anton-ba…

Sure, if you refuse to read your old messages like the ones insulting women, whatever. You don’t believe in self-determination, as you constantly condemn external self-determination despite it being a popular demand and a democratic aspiration among Tamils. Stopping at federalism is not self-determination.

Your previous tweets have been shown by other users, using AI detectors, to have been written by AI. Imagine relying on that femcel who uses racist words against Tamils, it fits your company well. You are the perfect example that a degree doesn’t make you any more intelligent when your arguments can be debunked with just a few clicks on Google. Also, stop playing the victim, you crybaby. The fact that you insult women online who don’t agree with you is literally visible on your Twitter handle.

What I posted above wasn't ChatGPT - it was actually from an interview I gave about my documentary to a journalist belonging to a news organization. Link below. I don't use ChatGPT to respond to tweets because I actually know the subject matter and have written about it for years, well before ChatGPT even existed with articles dating back to 2016 and even earlier. But you have no such knowledge. People like @shayehhhh have proved that you have repeatedly used ChatGPT when responding to tweets even showing website links that directly have ChatGPT on them. As far as what I know - I have my undergraduate and graduate degrees in political science and global affairs from one of the leading universities in North America, I've done field work directly in Sri Lanka speaking with the relevant stakeholders to the constitutional reform process across the political spectrum - I've spent years reading through the actual primary sources (the constitutional reform text, Parliament speech records) and all of this is what formed the basis for my documentary and the many articles I've written on the matter. Now, what are your qualifications besides engaging in baseless character assassinations? eurasiareview.com/20102025-the-f…

@pitasanna @ErikSolheim @pathfinderSL If you weren’t lazy and actually looked at the conversations we’ve had, and those of other users, instead of repeating the same ChatGPT copy-paste nonsense, you would know this. But you refuse to do so. What do you even know, besides insulting women online?

You didn't debunk anything. I repeat it because it is the facts and the actual historical record substantiated by the leading Sri Lankan constitutional scholars (both Tamils and Sinhalese). Unfortunately, you do not seem to have any understanding of it and have already previously established that you have no idea what you are talking about.

Sure, that is why he and the TULF voted for the increase in the military budget. Kumar Ponnambalam already wrote a strong article about Neelan, highlighting his many mistakes and his selective defense of human rights. Also, it was not the LTTE who vilified him, Tamil media in the South mocked him, and they had no connection to the Tigers. Maybe it has to do with popular sentiment, which you refuse to accept. sangam.org/2007/07/Neelan…

During the height of the LTTE’s vilification campaign against him, one of the many falsehoods they spread was that he remained silent on the suffering of Tamil civilians. But the record shows otherwise. In his Parliamentary speeches, Dr. Tiruchelvam consistently condemned the government’s atrocities against Tamil civilians—including forced displacement of Tamil civilians by the army, the use of torture and arbitrary detention, and the potential reintroduction of the death penalty. He even raised concerns and called for accountability over allegations of mass Tamil graves in the North, reportedly carried out by the Sri Lankan army. The mass grave allegations were confirmed in February 2025, but his words on this issue—and many others—remain more relevant today than ever. The revelation by Rajapakse in 1998 of mass graves in Chemmani prompted Sri Lankan Member of Parliament, Neelan Tiruchelvam, to deliver a speech in the nation’s Parliament on July 22, 1998 discussing what needed to be done to properly investigate the mass grave allegations. His words, largely ignored at the time, now read like a blueprint for the investigation Sri Lanka desperately needs today. Tiruchelvam, echoing a statement by the Secretary of the Civil Rights Movement of Sri Lanka, warned that “the excavation of a mass burial site where many bodies may be packed into one place, poses technical problems much greater than the exhumation of individual graves,” and emphasized the need for expertise to avoid “irreversible destruction of vital evidence in the process.” Citing the UN Model Protocol, he stressed that “a burial recovery should be handled with the same exacting care given to a crime-scene search” and that “disinterment by untrained persons should be prohibited.” He underscored that such work must be conducted or supervised by a “consulting anthropologist” to prevent the loss of valuable information and the risk of generating false data. Tiruchelvam outlined the three UN-recommended phases of investigation: the collection of “antemortem data” from relatives and witnesses; the “archaeological phase” involving professional excavation and careful documentation of remains; and the “laboratory phase” focusing on analysis through X-rays, trauma identification, and possible DNA testing. He pointed to “the large body of knowledge and expertise” developed in forensic anthropology as a result of excavation of mass graves in “Argentina, El Salvador, Guatemala, Iraq, the former Yugoslavia and Ethiopia.” But Tiruchelvam’s most urgent warning was one of accountability. “The public has the right to a full, impartial, and professional investigation into the alleged graves in Chemmani.” That investigation never came. A 1999 probe yielded only 15 skeletons, far short of Rajapakse’s claim. The probe did not progress beyond initial excavations, and no senior military officials were ever held accountable in relation to the Chemmani allegations.

@pitasanna @ErikSolheim @pathfinderSL You’ve spammed this copy-and-paste nonsense eight times already. Repeating it a ninth time isn’t going to make it any better, especially when it was already debunked by me and other users months ago.

The August 3rd 1995 constitutional proposals Dr. Tiruchelvam helped formulate were, and remain, the boldest attempt in Sri Lankan history to address the grievances of the minority communities through genuine devolution of power. Their unprecedented nature lay in several fundamental departures from previous constitutional frameworks. Most significantly, as constitutional scholar Dr Rohan Edrisinha and others discuss in the documentary, the proposals sought to remove the contentious “unitary state” clause from the constitution and replace it with the concept of Sri Lanka as an “indissoluble union of regions.” This was no mere semantic change—the unitary clause had been introduced in the 1972 constitution as a direct rebuke to the Tamil Federal Party’s federalist platform, and its presence had consistently been used to undermine any meaningful devolution attempts. As GL Peiris, one of the main formulators of the 1995 proposals, notes in the documentary, previous constitutional reform proposals had a pattern of “taking away with one hand what was given with the other,” incorporating devices that allowed the centre to reclaim powers that were ostensibly devolved. In that respect, the 1995 proposals also addressed fundamental flaws in the Thirteenth Amendment, which, despite introducing provincial councils, had rendered devolution largely ineffective. As Dr Edrisinha explains in our documentary, the Thirteenth Amendment’s three-list system—provincial, reserved, and concurrent—was structured to favour centralised governmental control over the regions of Sri Lanka. The national list was drafted in sweeping, comprehensive terms, while provincial powers were narrowly defined. Most problematically, the concurrent list essentially gave the centre power over every subject within it, with any conflict between provincial and national legislation automatically resolved in favour of the centre. The 1995 proposals abolished this concurrent list entirely and provided for exclusive spheres of authority for both the centre and the regions, preventing the centre from unilaterally encroaching on provincial powers. Additionally, the proposals introduced mechanisms to protect devolved powers: regions would have to approve any constitutional amendments affecting their powers; an arbitral tribunal would resolve centre–region disputes; and there would be clear constitutional distribution of legislative and executive authority. The proposals also addressed substantive powers that had long been contentious—including meaningful control over land, finance, police, health, energy, and transport at the regional level. Resistance came from two directions, rooted in misunderstanding and political calculation. Dr Edrisinha explains that Sinhala resistance stemmed partly from linguistic confusion—in Sinhala, the words for “unitary” (akeeya) and “united” (eksath) are often conflated, leading many to falsely believe that abandoning a unitary structure would mean breaking up the country. This fear was exploited by political opposition. Although President Kumaratunga won the 1994 election with a strong mandate for constitutional reform, her government lacked the two-thirds parliamentary majority needed to enact it. The long-standing rivalry between the SLFP and UNP created obstruction. When UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe withheld his party’s support for political gain, the proposals couldn’t pass. In 2000, when Kumaratunga finally tabled the draft constitution, UNP members dramatically set copies on fire in Parliament. From the Tamil militant side, LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran refused to engage with the proposals despite their unprecedented scope. He remained committed to a separate Tamil state and viewed any compromise as betrayal. Dr Neelan Tiruchelvam, one of the proposals’ principal architects, was assassinated by the LTTE on 29 July 1999, precisely because his constitutional approach offered Tamils a viable alternative to armed separatism

It’s no surprise that a dirty and corrupt, failed Tamil politician like Neelan is considered a personal hero of yours, as you are cut from the same cloth as him. Neelan Thiruchelvam’s death, to this day, is barely commemorated or remembered by Tamils, except by his small elitist circle, Tamil liberals, and Western friends. His contributions to the Tamil struggle were as insignificant as those of any other so-called leader. Neelan’s proposals were insufficient to address even the basic issues and aspirations of Eelam Tamils, offering nothing more than breadcrumbs. He crafted a devolution package behind the backs of Eelam Tamils, disregarding their input. The TULF, of which he was a member, was a signatory of the Thimphu Principles, the sacred foundation of Tamil political aspirations, yet he himself failed to uphold them. In Parliament, he spoke about sex and even the Antichrist, yet never addressed the genocide of the Tamil people. His party, the TULF, even voted in favor of increasing the Sri Lankan military budget, something Tamils will never forget. When he raised the Nandhi Flag in Jaffna alongside the Sri Lankan army, when over 500.000 Tamils were, Tamils certainly won’t forget that. Neelan also rushed to defend Chandrika Kumaratunga when news surfaced that she had once said she would take to the streets and kill all the Tamils, another moment Tamils won’t forget. His lack of popularity among Tamils was evident when 400,000 Tamils in Colombo refused to attend his funeral. Meanwhile, Tamil politicians such as Ponnambalam Jr., Raviraj, Joseph Pararajasingham, and Thamilselvan are still remembered today because they actually did something for the people, rather than serving the establishment or successive racist Sri Lankan governments like Neelan that only offered lip service.

I don’t know if it’s funny that a person like yourself, who is busy whitewashing a genocidal society and Sri Lankans, sees themselves as socialist or materialist when you are exactly the opposite. Sri Lankan and Sinhalese society is based onthe racist Mahavamsa chronicles, which portray themselves as the chosen people on the island, tasked with protecting it from outsiders, and depict Tamils and others as invaders, demons, or subhumans. Policies against Tamils, such as the Sinhala Only Act, the Citizenship Acts, standardization, pogroms, settler colonialism, military occupation, economic deprivation, constitutional changes, and opposition to devolution of power, were enacted with the support of a large portion of the Sinhala population through their voting base. Also stop infantilizing Sri Lankans! They were not innocent. Every time a Sri Lankan politician tried to make amends with the Tamil people, those attempts often faced resistance from a large portion of the Sinhala population and had to be reversed. This was also one of the reasons for many broken pacts between Tamil and Sinhala leadership prior to 1983. When Tamil people were targeted across the island since 1948, was that because of economic liberalization? When Tamils were lynched during Black July in Colombo, and their dead bodies being eaten, was that also due to merchant capital? When Tamil politicians went into Sinhala-majority areas to engage with ordinary Sinhala people and raise awareness of their plight, only to be beaten and thrown into rivers, was that because of capitalism? The UNP did not start this. It began when Ceylon gained independence, and successive Sri Lankan governments have continued these policies to this day, with the support of Sri Lankan voters. The Tamil–Sinhalese conflict has a higher death toll than the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. More importantly, the comparison between Sinhala Buddhist nationalism and Zionism has been discussed for decades. redflag.org.au/article/compar…

@ArunAnnow There are structural similarities for sure but the reason we are resistant to this analogy is because the attitudes of ordinary Sinhalese and Muslims is in no way comparable to the kind of blood thirsty hatred held by the majority of Israelis towards Palestinians.

Sri Lankan civilians killed more Tamils during Black July than the LTTE and other Tamil militant groups did over the course of a 30-year war. Imagine being such a deranged society that a civilian population killed more people than a so-called terrorist organization. It took you 30 years and billions of dollars to eliminate that certain someone, ultimately bringing your already pathethic struggling country into ruin and turning it into a beggar state.

Also Sri Lanka back in the day. And then a certain someone got 🎯 in the head.

Thamilselvan, the leader of the LTTE’s political wing, and Karuna, the military leader in the eastern province, arriving at their hotel in Paris (2003). 🇫🇷